Page 87

Chapter V – 1794

Mahadajee Sindia’s death, an event of great political importance – Review of his policy and summary of his character – succeeded by his Grand Nephew Doulut Rao – Sindia’s regular infantry – Opinions of many Mahrattas respecting that force – Holkar long averse to its introduction – Rughoojee Bhonslay had no infantry disciplined by European officers – State of affairs at Nagpoor, and at Baroda – Govind Rao Gaekwar succeeds as regent – Piracy on the coast of Maharashtra – The Peishwa’s fleet – Angria of Kolabah – Seedees of Jinjeera – Revolutions and events in Mat State Malwan and Sawuntwaree – Various attempts of the English to suppress their piracies, and those of the Raja of Kola-poor – never completely elected until the year 1812

1794

The death of Mahadajee Sindia was an event of great political importance, both as it affected the Mahratta empire and the other states of India. His views and his character are, perhaps, sufficiently elucidated in the history of the thirty-five years antecedent to the period at which we have arrived; but, that we may hold in mind the state of the different Mahratta powers, and explain the proceedings of the petty princes on the coast of Maharashtra, formerly of so much importance when our establishments in India were in their infancy, we shall devote this chapter to a brief recapitulation of Sindia’s policy, a summary of his character, a review of the affairs of some of the other chieftains, and an explanation of minor transactions between the English and the petty

Page 88

princes to whom allusion is made. We shall then be free to enter on the causes which led to a war between the Mahrattas and the Moghuls in the Deccan.

The designs of Sindia, as we have already observed, were early directed to independence, but he was, at the same time, desirous of preserving a coalition, such as would unite the chieftains of the empire against all foreign enemies. He was inimical to the overgrown ascendancy of the Bramins. In his progress he first assisted the one Bramin against the other, and then attempted to overawe and control him whom he had raised. His absence from Poona, his campaign against Goddard in Guzerat, the necessity of his returning to his own Jagheer in Malwa, his defeat by Camac, and the successful result of the campaign directed by the Bramins against Goddard, gave an apparent superiority to his rivals, which seemed to foretell the fall of his fortunes. But the treaty of Salbye, the recognition of his independence by the British government, and the commanding station in which he was placed as the mediator and guarantee of a peace, honourable to the Mahrattas, raised him at once from decline to aggrandizement. In his first attempts to extend his power in Hindoostan, his contemporaries supposed him unequal to such a task, and that he must be ruined by the consequences of his own ambition. When he surmounted his difficulties, and not only rendered himself independent, but held in his hands a force which might control the Mahratta empire, he was very much alarmed lest

Page 89

Nana Furnuwees should call in the aid of a subsidiary, both as it interfered with his own views, and sacrificed so much to the English. The power of that nation, at a time when they were supposed to be weak, and their resources exhausted, had appeared in the late war greater than at any former period, and had attained a height which, in Sindia’s opinion, threatened the subjugation of all India. He was declaredly averse to the entire conquest of Tippoo’s territory, as he conceived that measure dangerous to the Mahratta state; but whilst the war continued, he does not seem to have seriously meditated hostilities against the English; neither did he take any secondary steps to undermine the influence the latter had acquired with the Bramin ministers at the Poona court, because the revolution he contemplated would confine or enlarge the intercourse as he might desire.

But although nothing decidedly inimical appears on the part of Sindia towards the British government, his power and ambition, his march to Poona, and, above all, the general opinion of the country, led the English to suspect him; and we accordingly find in their records various proofs of watchful jealousy. The Bombay government, in consequence of a slight alteration in the style of address from that which was used in the time of Governor Hornby, attributed the change to studied disrespect, and an attempt to mediate between that government and his relation, the Dessaye of Sawuntwaree, was deemed a very improper interference; but in the one case the style of address was discovered to be the same as permitted by the

Page 90

governor-general, and in the other the proposed mediation was perfectly justified. There appeared, however, soon after Sindia’s arrival in the Deccan, in an ukhbar, or native newspaper, from Delhi, a paragraph, which stated that the emperor had written to the Peishwa and Mahadajee Sindia, expressing a hope that, by the exertions of the Wukeel-i-Mootluq and his deputy, he should obtain some tribute from Bengal. As such paragraphs are frequently written for the purpose of ascertaining the effects of the reports which they promulgate, it was properly noticed by Lord Cornwallis, whose spirited remonstrance prevented its repetition.

As to a summary of the character of Mahadajee Sindia, though much of his success is attributable to a combination of circumstances; he was a man of great political sagacity, and of considerable genius; of deep artifice, of restless ambition, and of implacable revenge. With a high opinion of his personal address, he generally failed where he attempted to exercise it; and, in ebullitions of anger, to which he was prone, he frequently exposed what he most wished to conceal. His countenance was expressive of good sense and good humour; but his complexion was dark, his person inclining to corpulence, and he limped from the effects of his wound at Panniput. His habits were simple, his manners kind and frank, but sometimes blustering and coarse. He was beloved by his dependants, liberal to his troops in assignments of land or orders on villages, but quite the reverse in payments from his treasury or in personal

Page 91

donatives; a characteristic, not only of Mahadajee Sindia, but of Mahrattas generally. His disposition was not cruel, although his punishments were severe. He could not only write, but what is rare among the Mahrattas, he was a good accountant, and understood revenue affairs. His districts in Malwa were well managed, a circumstance, however, which must be ascribed to a judicious selection of agents; for Sindia, like most Mahratta chieftains, was too much engaged in politics or war, to bestow the time and attention necessary to a good civil government50. He died without male issue.

Tookajee Sindia, Mahadajee Sindia’s full brother, was slain in the fatal field of Panniput: but he left three sons, Kedarjee, Rowlajee, and Anund Rao, all of whom became officers in their uncle’s service. Kedarjee died without issue; Rowlajee had two sons; but Mahadajee Sindia had resolved to adopt Doulut Rao, the son of his youngest nephew Anund Rao. The ceremony of adoption had not actually taken place, but Mahadajee had repeatedly declared Doulut Rao his heir; and although Luximee Bye, the widow of Mahadajee, opposed Doulut Rao’s succession, her objections were overruled, as even Nana Furnuwees acceded to it. Tookajee Holkar was one of the first to acknowledge Doulut Rao. All the dependants of Sindia’s family and the other Mahratta authorities, sent their congratulations; so that this youth, who had scarcely attained

Page 92

his fifteenth year, became undisputed heir to the extensive realms of Mahadajee Sindia.

The great success of Sindia’s regular infantry, rendered efficient by the talents and energy of De Boigne, led most of the Mahratta states to introduce regular battalions as a part of their armies. Many Mahrattas, however, were of opinion that this departure from usage would prove their ruin; infantry and guns, as they had once too bitterly experienced, compelled them to fight when flight was more judicious, and some of them predicted, that if they ever attempted to combat Europeans with their own weapons, they would one day experience a defeat still more fatal than that of Panniput51. Tookajee Holkar long resisted the introduction of regular infantry, but he saw that Sindia could have made no progress in reducing the strong forts in Rajpootana without such aid; and although he might have been convinced, that it would have been much better for his army to have wanted the four battalions of Dudrenec at Lukhairee, he was so well satisfied with their conduct, that he immediately afterwards ordered Dudrenec to raise a like number.

Rughoojee Bhonslay, the Raja of Nagpoor, did not, in this respect, follow the example of the generality of the Mahratta chieftains. His father Moodajee died in 1788, and besides Rughoojee, the eldest, he left two other sons Khundoojee,

Page 93

and Venkajee or Munnya Bappoo. Khundoojee had charge of the northern, and Venkajee of the southern districts, but Rughoojee, as heir of his uncle Janojee, was Sena Sahib Soobeh of the Mahratta, empire, although, until his father’s death, he was not considered as ruler of Berar. At the time when the confederacy was formed against Tippoo, Rughoojee, in consequence of a peremptory summons from the Peishwa, was constrained to repair to Poona, where he objected to being ordered upon an expedition where the Peishwa was not to command in person, and offered many other ineffectual excuses, until he at length privately explained to Nana Furnuwees, his grounds for apprehending that his brother Khundoojee would usurp the sovereignty in his absence, upon which his presence was dispensed with, on promising to contribute ten lacks of rupees to assist in defraying the expenses of the war. Soon after his return to Nagpoor, his brother Khundoojee died, which relieved him from all apprehension of rivalry, and he soon after conferred on his brother Venkajee the districts of Chandah and Chuteesgurh in Jagheer. These were the only changes of importance, amongst the eastern Mahrattas, up to the period of Mahadajee Sindia’s death. In the west, several events in regard to the Gaekwar, or Baroda state, require a summary notice.

Futih Sing Gaekwar, the regent at Baroda, died on the 21st December, 1789, in consequence of a fall from an upper story in his house. His younger brother, Mannajee Rao, who was then at Baroda, immediately assumed charge of the person and

Page 94

government of his brother Syajee. Govind Rao, the elder brother next to Syajee, with whose history the reader is already acquainted, was then residing in obscurity at a village in the neighbourhood of Poona, and presented a petition to the minister, praying to be acknowledged by the Peishwa as regent of the Gaekwar possessions. His claim was just, but Mannajee Rao, by paying a nuzur of rupees, thirty-three lacks, thirteen thousand and one, and agreeing to pay up arrears due by Futih Sing, amounting to upwards of thirty-six lacks, was confirmed in his usurpation. Mahadajee Sindia, however, as already alluded to, espoused the cause of Govind Rao, and procured a repeal of Mannajee’s appointment; upon which Mannajee applied to the Bombay government, claiming its protection on the terms of the treaty concluded with General Goddard by Futih Sing. As the treaty in question was superseded by that of Salbye, the English declined all interference on that ground; but by the talent of Mannajee’s agent, Goolab Raee, and the supposed imbecility of Govind Rao, they were induced to recommend through Mr. Malet that some friendly compromise should be adopted, as being for the benefit of the country and of all parties concerned. Nana Furnuwees concurred in this opinion, but Mahadajee Sindia and the partizans of Govind Rao objected to any compromise. The question, however, was at once set at rest by the death of Mannajee, about 1st August 1793. Still, Govind Rao found it difficult to obtain permission to quit the Peishwa’s capital. The ministers, without any, regard to the exorbitant exactions

Page 95

already imposed on himself and his family, obliged Govind Rao to sign an agreement confirming the former stipulations, and ceding to the Peishwa the Gaekwar’s share of the districts south of the Taptee, formerly included in the cessions to the Company in 1780, together with his proportion of the customs of Surat; but, there being no service performed by the Peishwa, towards the Gaekwar, beyond the mere confirmation of his rights as regent, the British government objected to the cession, as a dismemberment of the Baroda territory, contrary to the stipulations of the treaty of Salbye. The validity of this objection was immediately admitted by Nana Furnuwees, the instrument of cession was restored, and Govind Rao, at last set out to assume his office, as undisputed regent at Baroda, on the 19th December 1793.

Affairs on the coast of Maharashtra demand notice, chiefly from the system of piracy which continued to prevail between Goa and Bombay.

In 1756, piracy received a considerable check by the subjugation of Toolajee Angria, and had the Peishwa then united his endeavours with those of the English, it might have been exterminated. But like predatory incursions on shore, it was profitable; and so far from being suppressed, it was encouraged by the Poona court. The Peishwa had two fleets, the one under his Sursoobehdar at Bassein, the other commanded by Anund Rao Dhoolup his admiral, who was stationed at Viziadroog. The Peishwa’s fleets did not molest vessels under English colours until the war of 1775. After that period, even in times of peace, we find that occasional

Page 96

depredations were committed, and unless speedy detection followed, which was not always the case, the vessels were not restored: when the capture, however, was clearly ascertained, they were released, and the apology offered for their detention was, that they had been mistaken for ships of some other nation52.

Mannajee Angria of Kolabah continued in obedience to the Peishwa’s authority until his death, which happened in 1759. His son Rughoojee professed equal submission, but only obeyed when it suited his convenience. His piracies on the trading ships of the English were conducted in the same manner as the aggressions of the Peishwa. In November 1793, Rughoojee died, when, without reference to the Poona court, the sovereignty was assumed in the name of his infant son Mannajee, under the guardianship of Jey Sing Angria. By this usurpation, as it was termed in those who had not power to support their pretensions, Mannajee and Jey Sing incurred the enmity of the Poona minister, of which Sindia’s successor, Doulut Rao, at a subsequent period, took advantage, and raised a member of the family of Angria who was nearly allied to himself; to the chiefship of that principality, a change which gave no umbrage to the English, because the reigning party, so far from courting their friendship, had most unjustifiably made prize of some of their ships53.

Page 97

The Seedees of Jinjeera plundered all nations, except the English, nor did they always escape. Several revolutions had taken place in this small principality. In 1762, Seedee Yakoot, by the will of the regent, Seedee Ibrahim, succeeded to the government, in prejudice to Seedee Abdool Rahim, who was considered the nearest heir. Abdool Rahim endeavoured to obtain possession by force, and was secretly reinforced by the Mahrattas. The English took part with the reigning chief, and having failed in an attempt to arbitrate the difference, they assisted to repel Abdool Rahim, who being defeated, fled to Poona. Seedee Yakoot apprehending that the Peishwa might openly espouse Abdool Rahim’s cause, offered a compromise, promising him Dhunda Rajepoor, and the succession to Jinjeera at his death; a proposal which was accepted, and Abdool Rahim succeeded accordingly. But Seedee Yakoot had made a will bequeathing the principality to the second son of Abdool Rahim at his father’s death, under the guardianship, in case of a minority, of his own friend Seedee Johur, who was commandant of Jinjeera. Abdool Rahim died shortly after, in 1784; but, without paying any regard to the will of Seedee Yakoot, he had bequeathed the principality to his eldest son, Abdool Khureem Khan, commonly called Balloo Meah54. Seedee Johur, however, defended his pretensions, founded on the will of Seedee Yakoot, and endeavoured to arrest Balloo Meah; but he, being apprized of the scheme, fled to Poona, carrying with him his younger brother, whom Seedee Johur

Page 98

wished to set up. Nana Furnuwees, in hopes that it was reserved for him to annex the unconquerable island to the Mahratta possessions, prepared to support the cause of Abdool Khureem Khan; Seedee Johur, however, called on the English for protection, expressing his readiness to comply with any, reasonable arbitration satisfactory to the inhabitants,, but declaring his determination to resist the Mahrattas and the obnoxious Balloo Meah, “whilst the rock of Jinjeera remained and a man to stand by him.” Nana Furnuwees, at the request of the Bombay government, agreed to suspend operations, until a reference could be made to Lord Cornwallis on the subject. It being at that time a great object of the governor-general’s policy to gain the friendship of the Poona court, and it being generally, believed, that Seedee Johur was only striving to get the younger brother into his power, as a cloak to meditated usurpation, Lord Cornwallis directed the Bombay government not to support him. He also intimated to the Peishwa, that if he would make an adequate provision for the sons of the late Abdool Khureem Khan, in some other part of the country, he might then take possession of the Seedee’s territory. The Mahrattas, however, without making the provision stipulated, attempted, clandestinely, to possess themselves of Jinjeera, which no sooner came to the knowledge of the governor-general, than he suspended the permission he had given. At length, when the treaty of alliance against Tippoo was concluded, the Peishwa having granted to Balloo Meah and his brother, a tract of land near Surat, guaranteed by the English, and yielding

Page 99

annually 75,000 rupees; having also given them 40,000 rupees in ready money, the heirs to the Jinjeera principality, relinquished their right and title in favour of the Peishwa. The agreement was signed on the 6th June 1791; – but the castle may fall whilst the cottage stands; the little island was never reduced, and the principality of Jinjeera has survived the empire of the Peishwas..

The most active, however, of all the corsairs on the coast, and the most destructive to the: English trade, were the pirates of Malwan and Sawuntwaree. We have already cursorily alluded to the expedition sent against them in 1765. It was under the joint command of Major Gordon55, and Captain John Watson of the Bombay marine56. They speedily reduced the fort of Malwan, a much valued possession of the Raja of Kolapoor, and took Yeswuntgurh or Rairee, from the Dessaye of Waree. To the former, the Bombay government gave the name of Fort Augustus, intending to have kept it; but the acquisition being unprofitable, they proposed to destroy the works; that alternative however, was also abandoned on account of the expense, and they at last determined to restore it to the Raja, on condition of his promising not to molest their ships or trade, to give security for his future good conduct, and to indemnify; them for losses and expences, to the amount of rs. 382,896; the whole of which, except rs. 50,000, was received before

Page 100

Malwan was evacuated in May 1766. This expedition took place during the minority of Sivajee, Raja of Kolapoor. Kern Sawunt, Dessaye of Waree, was then also a minor; and a confusion greater even than usual prevailed amongst his turbulent relations. To this confusion may be ascribed the difficulty which was experienced in effecting a settlement with the Dessaye of Waree. The Bombay government do not appear to have been aware that there was a distinction between the pirates of Waree and Malwan, until 1765 when on the 7th April of that year, they concluded a treaty of nineteen articles with the Dessaye, whom they distinguished by his ancient family name of Bhonslay, or as written in their records, the Bouncello. Of this treaty, not one article was observed by the Mahrattas. Mr. Mostyn was therefore deputed in 1766, to conclude some settlement, and obtained an obligation for two lacks of rupees, with a promise on the part of the Dessaye, to refrain from further aggressions, on condition that the Bombay government should restore Rairee. The money could only be raised by a mortgage on the revenues of the district of Vingorla, for thirteen years; and to induce the mortgagee, Wittoojee Koomptee, to advance the stipulated sum, Mr. Mostyn, in addition to two hostages procured from Waree, was obliged to promise that a small factory should be established, and the English flag hoisted, under the protection of a few Sepoys, to be left in the fort of Vingorla. This arrangement being concluded, Rairee was restored in the end of 1766. A very short time, however, had elapsed, when the hostages

Page 101

made their escape, and the agents of Wittoojee Koomptee were driven from the stations where they were collecting the revenue. Much remonstrance and negotiation followed, but nothing specific was effected. At last, when the thirteen years expired, the Sawunts, although they had prevented the mortgagee from recovering the revenue, demanded restitution of the district, which being refused, they attacked and took Vingorla, on the 4th June 1780, with a considerable quantity of private, and some public property, belonging to the English. The piracies of the Sawunts of Waree were henceforth renewed, and the marriage of Kern Sawunt to Luximee Bye57, the niece of Mahadajee Sindia, although a connection more splendid than honourable, increased their arrogance, especially whilst the English were too much occupied to send a force against them. The Raja of Kolapoor seeing the depredations of the Sawunts escape with impunity, returned to his former habits; and thus piracy became as prevalent as ever. Complaints on the subject were made by the English to Mahadajee Sindia, who promised to oblige his relations to restore their captures; and the Raja of Kolapoor was also induced to promise a liquidation of all balances, and to abstain from further aggressions on the English. The conditions were not enforced, and of course, such temporizing measures only encouraged a repetition of robbery and insult. In the end of the year 1789 the English had resolved to adopt more active measures, and had

Page 102

determined to crush those depredators; but in their extreme anxiety at that time, to avoid giving offence to the Poona court, a doubt suddenly arose as to the propriety of attacking the Raja of Kolapoor: for so ignorant were they, at this late period, of the existing relations in the Mahratta state, that they supposed him a dependant of the Peishwa. When the question was referred to Nana Furnuwees, he foresaw, as he conceived, an opportunity of drawing in the Kolapoor state to seek the Peishwa’s protection, and, ultimately, to yield obedience to the Poona government. Accordingly, by Nana’s address, the Raja was at first induced to accept the Peishwa’s mediation; but afterwards suspecting the design, and hearing of the hostilities in which the English were about to be engaged with Tippoo, he suddenly revoked his consent, and piracy was never more frequent on the coast of Malabar, than during the war with Mysore. It was an attempt to mediate between the Bombay government and the Sawunts of Waree, that led the former to accuse Sindia of the improper interference to which we have alluded. However, some compromise, through Sindia, was agreed on with respect to the Sawunts, and an armament was prepared against the Kolapoor Raja in 1792. But the expedition never took place, as in consequence of his offering indemnification to individuals, promising to pay the balance due to the Company on or before January 1795, granting permission to establish factories at Malwan and Kolapoor, and tendering the humblest apologies for his misconduct, the numerous aggressions he had committed were once more overlooked,

Page 103

and a treaty was concluded with him, on the terms he thus proposed. But no benefit resulted from it; on the contrary, in the ensuing year there were complaints not only against the Raja of Kolapoor, but against the Sawunts, Angria, and Dhoolup, for the capture or plunder of British ships, and it is no slight stigma on the British Indian administration, that this system of piracy was not finally suppressed until the year 1812.

Footnotes

50. Mahratta MSS. and letters; Bombay records. The living testimony of many respectable natives. A good portrait in my possession. General Count De Boigne; Sir John Malcolm, &c.

51. Mahratta MSS. This was the opinion of Nana Furnuwees, and many Mahrattas of the present day attribute the overthrow of their power solely to the introduction of regular infantry and artillery.

52. Bombay Records and Mahratta letters.

53. Mahratta MSS. and letters. Bombay Records.

54. Mahratta MS. and letters.

55. I am not sure if this name be correct, it is written Gowan and Goreham, as well as Gordon, in the records of the period.

56. The same, who as Commodore Watson, was killed at the siege of Tannah.

57. Luximee Bye was the daughter of Tookajee Sindia.

This collection transcribed by Chris Gage
hosted by ibiblio Support Wikipedia