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Appendix

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Appendix – Allusions by Mohammedan Historians to Europeans in India

As an appendix to this volume, in which the history of the early struggle by Europeans to gain a foothold in India is recounted in such detail, it may not be out of place to present some allusions to these foreigners (Firingis) by Mohammedan writers contemporary with the events described. The selections have been made from various parts of Elliot’s “History of India as told by its own Historians,” and, although not exhaustive, they are nevertheless in a way representative of the native view and may perhaps interest the reader as much as they did me in collecting and editing them.

A.V.W.J.

The Fort of Surat erected by Akbar in Opposition to the Portuguese

Akbar’s imperial annalist, Badauni, when describing the emperor’s campaign in Surat, 1572 – 1573 A.D., records that the erection or rebuilding of the Fort of Surat was in direct defiance of European intrusion and in opposition to foreign influence upon the Mohammedans of the country. A similar account is given by Nizam-ad-din Ahmad, but that of Badauni is a trifle clearer and is therefore the one here presented.

[Elliot, vol. v, pp. 501–503.] ‘One day in the year 980 A.H. (1572 A.D.) Akbar, the king, went to look at the Fort of Surat, and gave orders to repair the portions

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The fort of Surat

that had been battered and destroyed. During his inspection he saw the large mortars, which had been despatched with a powerful fleet and army by Sultan Sulaiman, the Turkish emperor, to assist in capturing the harbours of Gujarat, and had been left on the seashore, covered with rust, because Sulaiman Aga, the admiral, had abandoned the enterprise through meeting with some obstacle.

There they remained, until Khudawand Khan, the vizir, had them carried into the fort of Surat, at the time it was building. The few which remained had been taken to Junagarh by the governor. The king inspected them, and gave orders that some of them, which were not wanted there, should be sent to Agra.

The reason assigned for Khudawand Khan’s building the fort of Surat is that the Firingis used to oppress the Mussulmans in every kind of manner, devastating the country and tormenting God’s servants. At the time of laying the foundations of the fort, they tried

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to throw every obstacle in the way, by firing cannon from their ‘ships, but all without effect.

That expert engineer laid the foundations of one side within the sea; dug a deep ditch round the two sides which faced the land, and built the walls with stones and burnt bricks. The wall was thirty-five yards long. The breadth of the four walls was fifteen yards, and their height twenty yards, and the breadth of the ditch was twenty yards. All the stones, the joints, and interstices were fastened together with iron clamps and made firm with molten lead. The battlements and embrasures were lofty, and so beautiful that everyone was astonished at beholding them. On the bastions, which projected into the sea, was erected a gallery (ghurfa), which the Firingis, especially the Portuguese, profess to say is an invention of their own. When the Mussulmans began to erect this chaukandi (turret), the Firingis exerted every kind of opposition to obstruct it; and when they found they could not prevail by force, they offered large sums of money to prevent its being built; but Khudawand Khan, through the regard which he bore to his own religion, sternly refused, and plied the , . work till it was finished, in contemptuous defiance of the Christians.’

Europeans at Akbar’s court

In his well-known work, Akbar Namah, Abu-l-Fazl, the learned historian of Akbar’s court, refers several times to the European Christians, and one of the earliest of these references is in connection with the siege

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of Surat, already alluded to, in 1571–1573, the seventeenth year of the emperor’s reign. The brief mention is as follows:

[Elliot, vol. v, p. 42.] While the siege of Surat was proceeding, a large party of Christians arrived from the port of Goa and were admitted to an audience with the emperor Akbar, although it is probable that they had come to assist the besieged and to get the fort into their own hands. But when they saw the strength of the imperial force and its power for carrying on the siege, they represented themselves to be ambassadors and besought the honour of an interview. They offered various articles of the country as presents. Akbar treated each of them with great condescension and con-versed with them about the affairs of Portugal and other European matters.’

There is a special allusion, four years later, in Abu-l-Fazl’s chronicles, to European articles at Goa and to novelties imported from abroad.

[Elliot, vol. v, p. 57.] Haji Habib had been sent to the port of Goa, with a large sum of money and intelligent artizans, to examine and bring to the knowledge of the emperor Akbar the various productions of art and skill to be found in that town. He now returned to court, having with him a number of men clad in Christian garb, beating drums and playing European instruments. He presented fabrics which he had selected. The artizans who had gone there to acquire knowledge exhibited their skill and received applause. Musicians of that country played upon various instruments, especially

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upon the organ, and gave great delight to all who heard them.’

In his annals for the twenty-third year of Akbar’s reign, 1579 A.D., the royal chronicler deems the arrival of a European and his wife an incident of sufficient note to mention directly after he has recorded a matter relating to the imperial tribute due from the district of Bengal.

[Elliot, vol. v, p. 59.] While the emperor Akbar was encamped at the river Biyah, letters arrived from Khan Jahan, accompanying the tribute from Bengal, and from Raja Mal Gosain, the zamindar of Kuch, who had renewed his allegiance to the imperial throne. The tribute of Bengal consisted of the choicest productions of Bengal, and of fifty-four elephants. Along with these came a European named Partab Bar, who was accompanied by Barsuba, his wife3. He was graciously received at court, and his sound sense and upright conduct won the favour and esteem of the emperor.’

In the same year, 1579 A.D., there is an extended account of a religious discussion held at Akbar’s “Hall of Worship” by a Christian padre from Portugal. Abu-l-Fazl’s description is much to the point.

One night the ‘Ibadat-Khanah, or “Hall of Worship,” was brightened by the presence of Padre Radalf4, who for intelligence and wisdom was unrivalled among Christian doctors. Several carping and bigoted men attacked him, and this afforded an opportunity for a

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display of the calm judgment and justice of the assembly! These men brought forward the old received assertions, and did not attempt to arrive at truth by reasoning. Their statements were torn to pieces, and they were nearly put to shame; and then they began to attack the contradictions in the Gospel, but they could not prove their assertions.

With perfect calmness and earnest conviction of the truth, the Padre replied to their arguments, and then he went on to say, “If these men have such an opinion of our Book, and if they believe the Koran to be the true word of God, then let a furnace be lighted, and let me with the Gospel in my hand, and the Moslem priests with their holy book in their hands, walk into that testing-place of truth, and the right will be manifest.” The black-hearted, mean-spirited disputants shrank from this proposal, and answered only with angry words.

This prejudice and violence greatly annoyed the impartial mind of the Emperor, and, with great discrimination and enlightenment, he said: “Man’s outward profession and the mere letter of Mohammedanism, without a heartfelt conviction, can avail nothing. I have forced many Brahmans, by fear of my power, to adopt the religion of my ancestors; but now that my mind has been enlightened with the beams of truth, I have become convinced that the dark clouds of conceit and the mist of self-opinion have gathered round you, and that not a step can be made in advance without the torch of proof. That course only can be beneficial

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Tomb of Salim Chisti, a Holy Man at Akbar’s Court

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which we select with clear judgment. To repeat the words of the Creed, to perform circumcision, or to lie prostrate on the ground from dread of kingly power, can avail nothing in the sight of God:

“Obedience is not in prostration on the earth:

Practise sincerity, for righteousness is not borne upon the brow.’“ ‘

Of a somewhat similar character is a reference in the thirty-fifth year of Akbar’s reign, 1591 A.D., to the coming of a friar to the court. The spelling of the priest’s name in the Arabic characters of the original text seems to be “Farmaliun,” but they may be read in several other ways.

[Elliot, vol. v, p. 85.] ‘At this time [i.e. 1591 A.D.], Padre Farmaliun (?) arrived at the imperial court from Goa, and was received with much distinction. He was a man of much learning and eloquence. A few intelligent young men were placed under him for instruction, so that provision might be made for securing translations of Greek books and of extending knowledge. With him came a number of Europeans and Armenians, who brought silks of China and goods of other countries which were deemed worthy of his Majesty’s inspection.’

The account given by Badauni of the Christian missionaries at Akbar’s court has been mentioned in the two preceding volumes of the present series (iv. 41; v. 284), but is here repeated in full because of its interest in connection with the preceding statements.

[Elliot, vol. v, pp. 528–529.] ‘In 986 A.H. (1578 A.D.) the missionaries of Europe, who are termed Padres, and

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whose chief pontiff, called Papa (Pope), promulgates his interpretations for the use of the people and issues mandates that even kings dare not disobey, brought their Gospel to King Akbar’s notice, advanced proof of the Trinity, affirmed the truth of the Christian faith, and spread abroad the knowledge of the religion of Jesus. The king ordered his son, Prince Murad, to learn a few lessons from the Gospel, and to treat it with all due respect, while Shaikh Abushl-Fazl was ordered to translate it. Instead of the prefatory Bismillah, the following ejaculation was enjoined: “0 thou whose name is merciful and bountiful.” To this Shaikh Faizi added: “Praise be to God! there is no one like thee – thou art he!” The attributes of the abhorred Anti-Christ were ascribed to our holy Prophet by these lying impostors.’

Europeans Grant Passes for Ships to Mecca

The increasing number of Christians in India and the fact that they were in a position to exact and grant passes to Moslems who used their ships on the way to Mecca was curiously employed by some Mohammedans (not without scorn) as an argument against pilgrimages. Badauni holds such a view up to ridicule in describing a scene in Akbar’s “Hall of Worship.”

[Elliot, vol. v, pp. 519–520.] ‘One night during the year 983 A.H. (1575 A.D.), Khan Jahan mentioned that Makhdum-al-Mulk had expressed an opinion that in those days it was not a religious duty to go on a pilgrimage, and that it was even sinful to do so. When

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A Christian church in India.

he was asked his reasons, he replied that there were only two routes to Mecca, one was by Irak, the other by Gujarat. On the former route a man must hear abusive language from the Kazilbashes (Persian Shiahs); by the latter he must, before he embarks at sea, suffer the indignity of entering into an engagement with the Firingis, which engagement was headed and stamped with portraits of the Virgin Mary and Jesus Christ (upon whom be peace!), and so is tinctured with idol worship. Therefore both ways should be prohibited.’

The fact that the Europeans did grant passes for ships to convey pilgrims to Mecca is recorded also by Nizam-ad-din Ahmad, in the Tabakat-i Akbari, in which Akbar’s historian notes incidentally that a ship was detained at Surat for lack of the necessary papers.

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The Jasmin Tower at Agra.

[Elliot, vol. v, p. 402.] ‘When the emperor reached Udaipur, a despatch arrived from the port of Surat, from Sultan Khwaja, the Mir Haji of the port, announcing that the ship was useless as no pass (kaul) had been obtained from the Europeans. Akbar directed a messenger to be sent to Kalij Khan in order to despatch him speedily to Surat, so as to secure the departure of the vessel. ... Kalij Khan was accordingly sent to Surat to despatch the ships. He went along with Kalyan Rai, a merchant, and having obtained the passes from the Europeans, he sent off the ships and quickly returned and waited upon his Majesty while he was in Malwa.’

Europeans under Jahangir’s Reign

A number of references to the position of Europeans in India during the reign of the Great Moghul emperor Jahangir (1605–1628 A.D.) have been made in the fourth volume of the present series, especially in connection with Hawkins and Sir Thomas Roe. There are several references in Jahangir’s own Memoirs to the Europeans, Portuguese and English, which are worth recording. The first relates to outrages committed by the Europeans at Goa upon native ships trading at Surat. Jahangir writes the following in an entry under the eighth year of his reign, 1022 A.H. (1613 A.D.):

[Elliot, vol. vi, p. 337.] ‘News arrived that the Europeans in Goa, in defiance of their engagements, had plundered four ships engaged in the foreign trade of the port of Surat; and having made a great many Mohammedans

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prisoners, had at the same time taken possession of their money and goods. It gave me much displeasure. Mukarrab Khan, the governor of that harbour, was presented with a robe of honour, besides an elephant and a horse, and was commanded to put a stop to such outrages.’

A year later, in 1614, the ninth year of his reign, Jahangir records with satisfaction the fact that the Portuguese and English (Angriz) had come into conflict at Surat, with the result that the Portuguese were wholly discomfited. He writes:

[Elliot, vol. vi, p. 340.] Happy tidings came of the defeat of the Portuguese (Warzi), who had made every preparation for the capture of the port of Surat. An action took place between them and the English (Angrizan), who had sought refuge in that port. Most of their vessels were burnt by the English, and not being able to stand the contest, they took to flight and sent a message to Mukarrab Khan, the governor of the ports of Gujarat, suing for peace and representing that they had come with peaceful views, not to fight, and that the English had been the first to quarrel.’

Of less historic importance, but hardly less interesting, is the fact gravely recorded by Jahangir regarding the first European carriage in India, in 1616, the eleventh year of his reign. It was the year when Sir Thomas Roe came as English ambassador to the Moghul court. It is interesting to compare the ambassador’s description of the occasion (reproduced on the next page) with the paragraph in Jahangir’s own

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Memoirs, where he refers to the equipage from Europe.

‘On the afternoon of the first of Zu-l-ka’da, corresponding with twenty-first of Aban [1025 A.H., November 10, 1616 A.D.], I departed in sound health from Ajmir in a European carriage drawn by four horses, and I ordered several nobles to make up carriages similar to it5 and to attend upon me with them. About sunset I reached my camp in the village Deo Rana, a distance of nearly two leagues6.’

Europeans at Hugli in Shah Jahan’s Time, 1628–1659 A.D.

The contemporary account given by Khafi Khan of the European settlement at the Port of Hugli, near Calcutta, is interesting as illustrating in certain respects the native attitude toward the foreign settlers.

[Elliot, vol. vii, p. 211.] The Firingis had formed a

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A group of Hindu child widows

commercial settlement at Hugli, about twenty leagues from Rajmahal in Bengal. In former times they had obtained the grant of a parcel of land for the stowing of their merchandise and for their abode. There they built a strong fort, with towers and walls, and furnished it with artillery. They also built a place of worship which they call “church” (kalisa). In course of time they overstepped the sufferance that they had obtained. They vexed the Mussulmans of the neighbourhood and harassed travellers, and were continually exerting themselves to strengthen their settlement.

Of all their odious practices the following was the worst: In the ports which they occupied on the seacoast, they offered no injury either to the property or person of any of the Mohammedans or Hindus who dwelt under their rule; but if one of these inhabitants died, leaving children of tender age, they took both the children and the property under their charge, and, whether these young children were by birth Mohammedans, or whether they were of the religion of the Brahmans,

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they made them Christians and slaves. In the ports of the Konkan in the Deccan, and on the seacoast, wherever they had forts and exercised authority, this was the custom of that insolent people. But notwithstanding the notoriety of this tyrannical practice, Mussulmans and Hindus of all tribes went into their settlements in pursuit of a livelihood and took up their abode there.

They allowed no religious mendicant to come into their bounds. When one found his way in unawares, if he was a Hindu, they subjected him to such tortures as made his escape with life very doubtful; and if he was a Mussulman, they imprisoned and tormented him for some days, and then set him at liberty. When travellers passed in and their baggage was examined for the custom duties, no leniency was shown if any tobacco was found, because there were regular licensed sellers of tobacco, and a traveller must not carry more than enough for his own use.

Unlike a Hindu temple, their place of worship was very conspicuous, for tapers of camphor were kept burning there in the daytime. In accordance with their vain tenets, they had set up figures of the Lord Jesus and Mary (on our Prophet, and on them be peace!), and other figures in wood, paint, and wax, with great gaudiness. But in the churches of the English, who are also Christians, there are no figures set up as idols. The writer of these pages has frequently gone into that place and has conversed with their learned men, and here records what he has observed.

Reports of the unseemly practices of these people

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reached the emperor Shah Jahan, and when Kasim Khan was sent to Bengal as governor, he received secret orders to suppress them and to take their fortress. Kasim Khan accordingly proceeded to Hugli and laid siege to it. The detail of his skilful arrangements and strenuous exertions would be of great length; suffice it to say that, by the aid of boats, and by the advance of his forces both by land and water, he brought down the pride of those people and subdued their fortress after a siege of three months. Nearly fifty thousand peasants of that place came out and took refuge with Kasim Khan. Ten thousand persons, Firingis and natives, perished in the course of the siege. Fourteen hundred Firingis, and a number of persons who had been made Christians by force, were taken prisoners. Nearly ten thousand persons, innocent natives and captives of those people, were set free. More than a thousand Mussulmans of the imperial army fell in the course of the siege.’

A fuller description of the port and of the manner in which Shah Jahan drove out the “infidel Firingis,” in 1632 A.D., is given by Abd-al-Hamid, of Lahore, in his Padshah Namah.

‘Under the rule of the Bengalis, a party of Frank merchants who were residents of Sandip came trading to Satganw. One league above that place, they occupied some ground on the bank of the estuary, where they erected several houses in the Bengali style on the pretext that buildings were necessary for their transactions in buying and selling. In course of time, through

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the ignorance and negligence of the rulers of Bengal, these Europeans increased in number and erected large substantial buildings, which they fortified with cannons, muskets, and other implements of war.

In course of time, a considerable place thus grew up, which was known by the name of the Port of Hugli. On one side of it was the river and on the other three sides was a ditch filled from the river. European ships used to go up to the port and trade was established there, while the markets of Satganw declined and lost their prosperity. The villages and districts of Hugli were on both sides of the river and the Europeans got possession of them at a low rent, and converting some of the inhabitants to their own faith, sent them off afterwards in ships to Europe7. These practices were not confined to the lands they occupied, but they seized and carried off every one they could lay their hands upon along both sides of the river.

These proceedings had come under the notice of the emperor before his accession, and he resolved to put an end to them if ever he ascended the throne. After he became Sultan, therefore, he appointed Kaska Khan to the government of Bengal and impressed upon him the duty of overthrowing these mischievous people, ordering him, as soon as he had attended to the necessary

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Modern Shipping on the Hugli at Calcutta

duties of his extensive province, to set about the extermination of the pernicious intruders. Troops were to be sent both by water and land so that this difficult enterprise might be quickly and easily accomplished.

Kasim Khan immediately began his preparations and at the close of the cold season, in Sha’ban, 1040 A.H. (1630 A.D.), he sent his son Inayat-Allah with Allah Yar Khan, who was to be the real commander of the army, and several other nobles to effect the conquest of Hugli. He also sent Bahadur Kambu, an active and intelligent servant of his, with the force under his command, ostensibly to take possession of the exchequer

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lands at Makhsusabad, but really to join Allah Yar Khan at the proper time. For fear that the infidels would put their families on board ship as soon as they heard of the movements of the troops, and would thus escape from destruction to the disappointment of the warriors of Islam, it was given out that the forces were marching to attack Hijli.

It was accordingly arranged that Allah Yar Khan should halt at Bardwan, which lies in the direction of Hijli, until he should receive intelligence of Khwaja Sher and others, who had been ordered to proceed in boats from Sripur (Serampur) to cut off the retreat of the Europeans. It was planned that when the flotilla should arrive at Mohana, Allah Yar Khan was to march with all speed from Bardwan to Hugli and fall upon the infidels. Upon being informed that Khwaja Sher and his companions had arrived, Allah Yar Khan made a forced march from Bardwan, and in a night and day reached the village of Haldipur between Satganw and Hugli. At the same time he was joined by Bahadur Kambu, who arrived from Makhsusabad with five hundred horse and a large force of infantry. He then hastened to the place where Khwaja Sher had brought the boats, and he formed a bridge of boats in a narrow part of the river, between Hugli and the sea, so that ships could not get down to the sea, thus preventing the enemy from escaping.

On the second of Zu-l-hijja, 1041 A.H. (1631 A.D.), an attack was made on the Europeans by the boatmen on the river and by the forces on land. An inhabited

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place outside of the ditch was taken and plundered, and the occupants were slain. Detachments were then ordered to the villages and places on both sides of the river, so that all the Christians found there might be put to death. Having killed or captured all the infidels, the warriors carried off the families of their boatmen, all of whom were Bengalis, whereupon four thousand boatmen left the Europeans and joined the victorious army, thus greatly discouraging the Christians.

The royal army was engaged for three months and a half in the siege of this strong place. Sometimes the infidels fought and sometimes they made overtures of peace, protracting the time in hopes of succour from their countrymen. With base treachery they pretended to make proposals of peace and sent almost a hundred thousand rupees as tribute, while at the same time they ordered seven thousand musketeers who were in their service to open fire with their guns. So heavy was their fusillade that many of the trees of a grove in which a large force of the besiegers was posted were stripped of their branches and leaves.

At length the besiegers sent their pioneers to work upon the ditch just by the church, where it was not so broad and deep as elsewhere. There they dug channels and drew off the water, after which mines were driven on from the trenches, but two of these were discovered by the enemy and countermined. The centre mine was carried under an edifice which was loftier and stronger than all the other buildings, and in which a large number of Europeans were stationed. This was charged

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The style of vessel called Ghrab

and tamped, and on the fourteenth of Rabi’-al-awwal, 1042 A.H. (1632 A.D.), the besiegers’ forces were drawn up in front of this building to lure the enemy in that direction. When a large number were assembled, a heavy fire was opened and the mine was ignited. The building was blown up and many Europeans who had collected around it were sent flying into the air. The warriors of Islam then rushed to the assault, whereupon some of the infidels were drowned in the water8, but some thousands succeeded in making their way to the ships. At this juncture Khwaja Sher came up with the boats and killed many of the fugitives.

Since these European foes of the Faith of Islam were afraid lest one large ship, which had nearly two thousand men and women and much property on board, might fall into the hands of the Mohammedans, they fired the magazine and blew her up. Many others who were on board the ghrabs, or smaller vessels, set fire

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to them and thus met their deaths. Out of the sixty-four large dingas, fifty-seven ghrabs and two hundred jaliyas, only one ghrab and two jaliyas escaped in consequence of some fire from the burning ships that had fallen upon some boats laden with oil and burnt a way through the bridge of boats. Whoever escaped from the water and fire, became a prisoner. From the beginning of the siege to its conclusion, almost ten thou-sand of the enemy, men and women, old and young, were killed, being either blown up with powder, drowned in water, or burnt by fire; nearly one thousand brave warriors of the imperial army obtained the glory of martyrdom; 4400 Christians of both sexes were taken prisoners; and well-nigh ten thousand inhabitants of the neighbouring country who had been kept in confinement by these tyrants were set at liberty.’

Some ten years later, in 1633, the Emperor Shah Jahan again took active measures against the Christians, as we are told by Abd-al-Hamid, the Mohammedan annalist whose work has just been quoted.

[Elliot, vol. vii, pp. 42–43.] ‘On the eleventh of Muharram [in the year 1043 A.H., 1633 A.D.], Kasim Khan and Bahadur Kambu brought four hundred Christian prisoners, male and female, young and old, with the idols of their worship, to the presence of the Faith-defending Emperor [Shah Jahan]. He ordered that the principles of the Mohammedan religion should be explained to them, and that they should be called upon to adopt it. A few appreciated the honour offered to them and embraced the faith; these few experienced

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the kindness of the Emperor. But the majority in perversity and wilfulness rejected the proposal. These were distributed among the amirs, who were directed to keep these despicable wretches in rigorous confinement. When any one of them accepted the true faith, a report was to be made to the Emperor, so that provision might be made for him. Those who refused were to be kept in continual confinement. So it came to pass that many of them passed from prison to hell. Such of their idols as were likenesses of the prophets were thrown into the Jumna, the rest were broken to pieces.’

Customs of the Europeans at Hugli in Mohammad Shah’s Time, 1719–1748 A.D.

A native writer of Kashmir, named Khwaja Abdal-Karim Khan, gives some account of the various European nations in India early in the eighteenth century, and comments on their manners and customs at Hugli in Bengal.

[Elliot, vol. viii, p. 127.] ‘At this time [about 1743 A.D.], in consequence of the weakness of his Majesty Mohammad Shah, and the want of unanimity among his nobles, the armies of the Marathas of the south had spread themselves over Bengal, and Hugli fell into their hands. I had occasion to stop at the city of Firashdanga (Chandarnagar), which is inhabited by a tribe of Frenchmen. The city of Calcutta, which is on the other side of the water and is inhabited by a tribe of English who have settled there, is much more extensive and thickly populated than Firashdanga.

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Europeans in India

All the different tribes of Europeans have different names, such as the Fransis (French), Angriz (English), Walandiz (Hollanders), and Partagis (Portuguese). The delightful gardens which the Europeans make, with a number of trees great and small, all cut with large shears and kept in order, as in their own country, are exceedingly pleasing and refreshing They have so many gardens because a separate family, or one set of inhabitants, lives in a separate house.

There is no difference whatever to be observed in any of their manners and customs; indeed, they all live just as they do in their own country. They have churches, too, where they perform divine service in

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congregations, and everything else is managed in a similar way according to custom. Many tradesmen and professors of different arts have come from Europe and taken up their abode here, and get occupation in making things, carrying on their trade as they do in their own land. A great many of the Bengalis have become skilful and expert from being with them as apprentices.

As the Europeans excel in other arts and sciences, so also are they distinguished from the military point of view. This the Marathas know well; for although there is so much property and merchandise belonging to commercial and wealthy men of these parts in Firashdanga and Calcutta, and it would only be a journey of two leagues from Hugli to Firashdanga, and although the Europeans have no fort and are so few in number, while the Marathas are as numerous as ants or locusts, yet, in spite of all this, the Marathas see the unanimity and concord that exist among the Europeans, and do not attempt to approach them, much less to attack them. The Europeans fight with guns and muskets; but when the time for using the sword comes, they are at a disadvantage.’

European Christians Contend Against the Mohammedans in Malabar and the Deccan (1500 1600 A.D.)

In a native history of India written about the year 1800 A.D. by Nawab Muhabbat Khan (who is not to be confused with his contemporary and namesake, the second son of Hafiz Rahmat), there is an extensive account of the conflicts between the Mohammedans and

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the European Christians who had come into Malabar and the Deccan during the sixteenth century.

[Elliot, vol. viii, pp. 385–390.] ‘Let it not be hidden from the sun-resembling minds of those who understand the value of the gems of intelligence that, previous to the rise of Mohammedanism, the Jews and the Christians had intercourse, as merchants, with most of the ports of the Deccan, such as Palniar9 and others. Having become familiar with the people of that country, they established their residence in some of the cities, and built houses and gardens.

In this manner they sojourned for many years. When the great star of Mohammedanism appeared and the rays of that world-enlightening sun shone from the east to the west, the countries of Hindustan and the Deccan were also gradually benefited by the light of the Mohammedan law, and intercourse of the Mussulmans with that country began. Many of the kings and rulers of that country espoused the Mohammedan faith. The Rajas of the ports of Goa, Dabal, and Chand, and other places allowed all the Mussulmans who came there from the different parts of Arabia to settle on the seashore, and treated them with great honour and respect.

For this reason the Jews and. Christians burned with the fire of envy and malice. But when the countries of the Deccan and Gujarat came into the possession of the Kings of Delhi, and Islam was established in them, the Europeans put the seal of silence on their lips and never uttered a word of animosity or opposition, till

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at length, about the year 900 A.H. (1495 A.D.), when weakness and disorder found their way into the government of the Sultans of the Deccan, the Portuguese Christians received orders from their king to build their forts on the shore of the Indian Ocean.

In the year 904 A.H. (1499 A.D.) four ships of the same people arrived at the ports of Kandaria and Kalikot (Calicut), and having made themselves acquainted with the circumstances of the place, returned to their own country. Next year six vessels came and anchored at Kalikot. The Portuguese petitioned the chief of the place, who was called Samuri (Zamorin), to prohibit the Mohammedans from intercourse with Arabia, remarking that they would benefit him much more than the Mohammedans could. The Samuri, however, gave no heed to their prayers, but the Christians began to deal harshly with the Mohammedans in all their transactions.

At last the Samuri (Zamorin), being provoked, gave orders that the Christians should be slain and plundered. Seventy persons of rank were destroyed among the Christians, and those who remained embarked on the vessels and thus saved themselves. They landed near the city of Koji (Cochin), the chief of which was at hostility with the Samuri. They obtained his permission to build a fort, which they completed hurriedly in a very short time They demolished a mosque on the seashore and made a Christian church of it. This was the first fort which the Christians built in India.

With the same expedition they built a fort at Kanur

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The Sabarmati River at Ahmadabad in Gujarat

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(Cannanore), and to their entire satisfaction engaged in the trade of pepper and dry ginger, preventing others from engaging in the same traffic. On this account the Samuri raised an army, and having killed the son of the chief of Cochin, plundered the country and returned. The heirs of those who were slain again collected their forces, raised the standard of sovereignty, and restored the population of the country to its former state. By the advice of the Firingis they built ships of war, and the chief of Cannanore followed their example. This excited the anger of the Samuri, who lavished immense treasure upon an army raised for the purpose of attacking Cochin; but as the Firingis always gave their assistance to its chief, the Samuri twice returned unsuccessful. The chief of Cannanore was at last obliged to send his ambassadors to the kings of Egypt, Jedda, the Deccan, and Gujarat, complaining to them of the outrages of the Christians and imploring their aid. At the same time he also represented their disrespect toward Islam and thus excited the wrath as well as the zeal of those princes. The Sultan of Egypt, Mansur Ghori, sent one of his officers named Amir Husain with thirteen ships (ghrabs) full of fighting men and munitions of war toward the coasts of Hindustan. Sultan Mahmud of Gujarat also prepared several ships to oppose the Firingis, and despatched them from the ports of Diu, Surat, Goga, Dabal, and Chand. The Egyptian vessels touched first at Diu, and joining those of Gujarat, sailed toward Chand, where the Firingis had assembled. This

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The Moti Masjid at Agra

force was augmented by forty vessels of the Samuri, and by some, from the port of Dabal.

When the junction of the fleet was effected, a fire-ship of the Firingis, without being observed, suddenly fell upon its rear, and the whole surface of the water was instantly in a blaze. Malik Ayaz, the chief of Diu, and Amir Husain prepared to oppose the enemy, but all to no avail. Several Egyptian ships were taken by the enemy, numerous Mohammedans drank the sweet water of martyrdom, and the Firingis returned victorious to their port.

It was during these days that Sultan Salim of Rum obtained a victory over the Ghori Sultans of Egypt, and thus their dynasty closed. The Samuri, who was the originator of all these disturbances, was disheartened, and the Firingis obtained complete power; so much so, that in the month of Ramazan, 915 A.H. (Dec., 1509 A.D.), they came into Kalikot, set the Jami’ Masjid on fire, and swept the city with the broom of plunder. Next day, the men of Palniar collected in large numbers, and falling upon the Christians, killed five hundred men of rank, and many were drowned in the sea. Those who escaped the sword fled to the port of Kou-lam (Quilon). Having entered into friendly relations with the zamindar of that place, they erected a fortress for their protection about half a league from the city.

In the same year they took the fort of Goa, belonging to Yusuf Adil Shah, who retook it by stratagem; but after a short time, the Firingis, having bribed the governor of the place with large sums of gold, again

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became its masters, and they made the fort, which was exceedingly strong, the seat of their government. This made sorrow and grief prey upon the health of the Samuri, who expired in 921 A.H. (1515 A.D.). His brother, who succeeded him, rolled up the carpet of destruction and pursued the path of friendship with the Firingis. He gave them ground for a fort near the city of Kalikot, and took an agreement from them that he should be allowed to send four ships laden with pepper and dry ginger to the ports of Arabia. For some time the Firingis observed these terms; but when the fort was completed, they prohibited his trading in those articles, and began again to practise all kinds of tyranny and persecution upon the followers of Islam.

In like manner, the Jews of Kranghir (Cranganore), observing the weakness of the Samuri, advanced their foot beyond the proper limit, and made a great many Mohammedans drink the cup of martyrdom. The Samuri, repenting of his concessions, marched toward Cranganore and so entirely extirpated the Jews that not a trace of them was found in that land. After this, joined by all the Mussulmans of Palniar, he proceeded to Kalikot and laid siege to the fort of the Firingis, which he reduced with great difficulty. This increased the power and pride of the men of Palniar, who, according to the terms of the original agreement with the Firingis, began to send their ships full of pepper, dry ginger, and other products to the ports of Arabia.

In the year 938 A.H. (1531 A.D.) the Firingis founded a fort at Jaliat, six leagues from Kalikot, and

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Kolaba Point, Bombay

prevented the sailing of the Palnadi vessels. About the same time, during the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah, the Christians built a fort at Rivadanda, near the port of Chaul (Kolaba, Bombay), and took up their residence there. In the reign of Sultan Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, 941 A.H. (1534 A.D.), they took possession of the ports of Swalh, Daman, and Diu, which belonged to the kings of Gujarat, and in the year 943 A.H. (1536 A.D.) they fully established themselves at Cranganore by force of arms.

At this time Sultan Salim of Rum determined to expel the Firingis from the ports of India and make himself master of them. With this view, in the year 944 A.H. (1537 A.D.), he despatched his minister, Sulaiman Badshah, in command of one hundred vessels, and he, having wrested the port of Aden from Shaikh Amr, son of Shaikh Daud, whom he put to death, sailed to the port of Diu and there made preparations for war. He was nearly victorious, but, for want of provisions and money, he had to return unsuccessful to Rum.

In the year 963 A.H. (1556 A.D.) the Tarsas (Christians) were in possession of the ports of Ormuz, Muscat, Sumatra, Malacca, Mangalore, Negapatam, Barcelore, Ceylon, and Bengal, to the very borders of China.

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In all these places they built their forts. But Sultan Ali Hai captured the fort of Sumatra from them, and the chief of Ceylon also, having subdued the Firingis, expelled them from his dominions. The Samuri, chief of Kalikot, being much harassed, sent his ambassadors to Ali Adil Shah and Murtaza Nizam Shah, instigating them to wage a holy war against the Firingis and turn them out of their country.

In 979 A.H. (1570 A.D.) the Samuri besieged the fort of Jaliat, and Nizam Shah and Adil Shah besieged that of Rivadanda. The former, through his courage, was successful in capturing the fort; but the latter, on account of the infidelity of their servants, who were deceived by the temptations which the Firingis offered them, returned without fulfilling their object.

From this time the Christians became more audacious in their persecution of the Mohammedans, in so far that they stretched out their rapacious hands to plunder on their return from Jedda some ships of the Emperor Jalal-ad-din Mohammad Akbar, which had sailed to Mecca without their permission, and they treated the Mussulmans with great severity and contempt. They burnt down the port of Adilabad Farain, which belonged to Adil Shah, and entirely destroyed it. In the guise of merchants, they also came to Dabal, and wished, by cunning and deceitful means, to obtain possession of it; but its chief, Khwaja Ali-al-Malik, a merchant of Shiraz, being aware of their views, killed 150 of their men of rank and devoted himself to extinguishing the fire of mischief.’

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The Mohammedan historian then devotes a couple of paragraphs to the complete establishment of the English power in India.

[Elliot, vol. viii, p. 390.] Be it known to men of curiosity that from the time when the ships of the Emperor Akbar were seized by the Christians, the sending of vessels to the ports of Arabia and Persia was entirely closed, not only in the Deccan and Bengal, but also in other provinces of Hindustan, because it was considered beneath the royal dignity to enter into treaties with the Firingis, and to send treaties without entering into any understanding was to throw lives and property into danger. The Emperor’s nobles, however, such as Nawab Abd-ar-Rahim Khan Khan-khanan, and others, having entered into an agreement with them, used to send their own ships, and affairs continued in this course for some time.

When the Emperor Jahangir ascended the throne of Delhi, there existed great discord and animosity between the Christians of Portugal, France, etc. Thirsting after the blood of each other, they read together the same evil book of hatred and malice. Contrary to the manner in which they had been treated, the Emperor Jahangir granted the English a spot in Surat for the erection of a factory. This was the first settlement which the English made on the coasts of India. Before this, they also occasionally brought their cargoes to the ports of Hindustan, and having sold them there, returned to their native country. Afterwards, they also began to establish their factories at different places in

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Bathing at the Kali Ghat in Calcutta

the Deccan and Bengal, and in the time of Aurangzib Alamgir they founded the city of Calcutta.’

Founding of the City of Calcutta

The founding of the city of Calcutta by Mr. Job Charnock, chief of the Bengal council, is assigned to the year 1686, although the site was an old one and the Portuguese had anchored there as early as 1530 in their trade with Hugli town, The city owes its name Calcutta to Kali-Ghat “Ghat of the goddess Kali,” a famous Hindu shrine on the banks of the Hugh and now situated on the outskirts of Calcutta. The Mohammedan author Nawab Muhabbat Khan, who has been already quoted, thus describes the founding of the city.

[Elliot, viii, 379–382.] ‘Calcutta was formerly only a village, the revenue of which was assigned for the

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expenses of the temple of Kali Devi, which stands there. As in the Bengali language the words Karta and Kat mean the proprietor of that Kali, in course of time, by the elision of the i it began to be called Calcutta10.

I now proceed to an account of the foundation of the city, and how the Honourable Company’s factory was maintained at Gholghat and Moghulpura, near Hugh. Suddenly, at about sunset, when the English officers were at their dinner, a violent bore arose in the river and fell with such force upon the shore that the factory was in danger of falling down. The officers ran out in great consternation and saved their lives. All the goods and property were destroyed by the water, and a few men and several animals lost their lives.

Mr. Chanak (Job Charnock), their chief, having purchased the Benarasi Bagh, or “Benares Garden,” which belonged to the Company’s agent at Gholghat, near the city, cut down the trees and founded a factory, the buildings of which were raised two and three stories high. When the compound was made and the rooms were ready to be roofed in, the nobles and chief men among the Sayyids and Moghuls, who were great merchants, went to Mir Nasir, the magistrate of Hugh, and declared that if the strangers were allowed to ascend their lofty houses, they, the Moghuls, would be greatly dishonoured, seeing that the persons of their women would be exposed to view. The magistrate sent

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a report of the matter to Nawab Ja’far Khan and directed the Moghuls and other principal inhabitants of the place to accompany it. They all complained before the Nawab, who issued orders to the magistrate to the effect that not another brick or timber should be allowed to be raised. That official, immediately on receipt of the order, prohibited all the masons and carpenters from carrying on the work, and ordered that no one should go to the factory. Thus the work remained unfinished.

Mr. Chanak, with great indignation, prepared to fight; but as he had a very small force, and as only one vessel was present at the time, while the Moghuls, who were joined by a powerful magistrate (whose name was Abd-al-Ghani), had assembled in great number, he saw no advantage in taking any hostile measure against them, and was obliged to weigh anchor. He had a burning-glass in his ship, with which, by concentrating the sun’s rays, he burnt the river face of the city as far as Chandarnagar.

With a view to avenge this injury, the magistrate wrote to the police station at Makhua with orders to stop the vessel. The head constable accordingly, in. order to prevent the passage of the vessel, prepared an iron chain, each link of which was ten stirs in weight, and having made it in length equal to the breadth of the river, kept it ready and fastened it to the wall of the fort. The chain being extended across the river, the vessel was thus intercepted; but Mr. Chanak cut through the chain with a European sword, and went

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on his way. He took his vessel out to sea and proceeded toward the Deccan.

In those days the Emperor Aurangzib was in that part of the kingdom, straitened by his enemy for provisions, and his camp was reduced to starvation. Thereupon the chief of the factory in the Carnatic sent vessels laden with grain, showing great consideration for the throne, and proved of great service. The Emperor was much pleased with the English people and desired to know the Honourable Company’s wishes. The English chief requested him to grant a sanad (warrant) and farman (order), giving permission to establish factories in all parts of the kingdom, and particularly in Bengal. The request was granted, and the royal orders exempting the Honourable Company’s ships from custom duties, fixing a sum of three thousand rupees as a present to be given to the bakhshi of the port, and giving permission for the establishment of factories, were issued.

Mr. Chanak returned with the royal farmans from the Deccan to Bengal, and sent his agents with the gift and some presents to Ja’far Khan, and obtained permission to erect a factory in Calcutta. Mr. Chanak accordingly erected a new factory at the place where he anchored after returning from the Deccan, which is known by the name of Chanak. He founded the city and populated it, and gave a stimulus to the trade of Bengal. That factory is well known to this day by the name of the Old Fort.

Calcutta is a large city, situated on the banks of

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The Post-Office at Calcutta

the Bhagirati. It is a large port and the great mart of the trade of the Honourable Company and their dependents. Small vessels called salap (sloops?) every year trade with this port from China, Europe, and other countries, and almost at all times some are at anchor there.

In these days this city is the residence of the chief English officers, and the city and its dependencies are considered their property. The buildings are built entirely of masonry stories high. The lower apartments are not fit to be inhabited. The buildings are like those of Europe, airy, spacious, and commodious, and are all constructed of brick. Besides the English merchants, the Bengalis, Armenians, and other inhabitants are also rich merchants. The water of the wells in the city is not drinkable on account of its brackish quality. If any person plastered with lime or mud. The land, on account of its vicinity to the sea, is very brackish and damp, and hence the houses are raised two or three

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drinks it, he is sure to suffer. In the hot and rainy seasons it becomes peculiarly bitter and saline, and consequently drinking water is procured from tanks.

The sea is forty leagues distant from the city, and the ebb and flow of the tide occur every day and every night. At full moon the bore rushes in for three days with unusual violence. It presents a curious and wonderful scene; it throws some boats on the shore, and breaks others to pieces; those which are not near the shore receive no injury from it, and therefore no boat, large or small, is left there unanchored. In the same manner, toward the end of the lunar month, the water rolls in with great violence for three days and nights. These high floods are called homan in the Bengali language, and that which takes place daily is termed jowarbhata.

A mud fort toward the south, outside the city, constructed after the English model, is very marvellous. Its praise is beyond all expression; it is well worth seeing. From the outside, the wall that encircles it appears low in every direction, just like the embankment of a tank; but from the inside it appears high. Very large and lofty buildings are erected within its enclosure, and much skill was shown in the entire construction of this fort. There are many other wonderful and excellent works in this city. As regards the beauty of the buildings and various novelties, there is no city like this in the whole of Hindustan, except Shah-Jahanabad, or New Delhi, with which nothing can be compared. The only defects of Calcutta

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Chandarnagar.

are that the air is very insalubrious, the water brackish, and the soil damp, to such a degree that the floors of the houses are always damp from the excessive moisture, even though they are made of bricks and lime; and the walls likewise are wet to the height of two or three cubits. For four months in the winter the climate is not so unhealthy; but for eight months during the summer and rainy seasons it is very injurious.’

European Settlements at Chandarnagar and Elsewhere

Nawab Muhabbat Khan concludes his account of Calcutta with a panegyric of some thirty lines in verse, which is here omitted, but his next paragraph is given in full because it treats of the French settlement at Chandarnagar in Bengal, not far from Calcutta, and

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describes the settlements made at other places by the English, the Dutch, and the Danes.

[Elliot, vol. viii, p. 383.] ‘Chandarnagar, otherwise called Firashdanga, is twelve leagues from Calcutta, and there is a factory in it belonging to the French Christians. It is a small town on the banks of the Bhagirati. An officer of the King of France remains there to govern the town and manage the commercial affairs of the place. The English have no concern with it. In the same manner, Chochra (Chinsurah) is in possession of the tribe of Walandiz (Hollanders). This place is a little to the south of the port of Hugli and is one league to the north of Firashdanga. In like manner, Seorampur (Serampur), which is also situated on the same stream, and opposite Chanak, has a factory of the tribe of Danamar (Denmark), by which name the station itself is sometimes called. In these places no other rule prevails than that of the nation which owns the factories.’

Footnotes

3. The spelling of these names is very doubtful.

4. Padre Rodolpho Aquaviva, a missionary from Goa.

5. A little above he tells us that on the departure of Baba Khurram, he had given him 44a carriage of the Firingi English fashion, that he might sit and ride in it.” These are the only remote allusions made throughout the work to the embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, whose residence in Jahangir’s camp lasted from January 10, 1616, to January 21, 1618.

6. Sir Thomas Roe describes Jahangir’s departure from Ajmir as follows: “Thus richly accoutred, the King went into the coach, which waited for him under the care of his new English servant, who was dressed as gaudily as any player, and more so, and had trained four horses for the draught, which were trapped and harnessed all in gold. This was the first coach he had ever been in, made in imitation of that sent from England, and so like it that I knew the difference only by the cover, which was of gold velvet of Persia. Next followed the English coach, newly covered and richly trimmed, which he had given to his favourite queen, Nur Mahal, who sat in the inside. After this came a coach made after the fashion of the country, which I thought seemed out of countenance, in which were his younger sons. This was followed by about twenty spare royal elephants, all for the king’s own use.”

7. The original is strongly Mohammedan in tone and reads as follows: “Some of the inhabitants by force, and more by hopes of gain, they infected with their Nazarene teaching, and sent them off in ships to Europe. In the hope of an everlasting reward, but in reality of an exquisite torture, they consoled themselves with the profits of their trade for the loss of rent which arose from the removal of these cultivators.”

8. The original says, “found their way to hell by the water.”

9. Perhaps Palnad, the name of the district in which Calicut is situated.

10. This is not very logical or comprehensible. The more accurate explanation is given above.

This collection transcribed by Chris Gage
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