Chapter 13

Rana Karan Singh II, A.D. 1620–28

Karan, or Karna (the radiant), succeeded to the last independent king of Mewar, S. 1677, A.D. 1621. Henceforth we shall have to exhibit these princely ‘children of the sun’ with diminished lustre, moving as satellites round the primary planet; but, unaccustomed to the laws of its attraction, they soon deviated from the orbit prescribed, and in the eccentricity of their movements occasionally displayed their unborrowed effulgence. For fifteen hundred years we have traced each alternation of the fortune of this family, from their establishment in the second, to their expulsion in the fifth century from Saurashtra by the Parthians; the acquisition and loss of Idar; the conquest and surrender of Chitor; the rise of Udaipur

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and abasement of the red flag to Jahangir; and we shall conclude with not the least striking portion of their history, their unity of interests with Britain.

Karan was deficient neither in courage nor conduct; of both he had given a decided proof, when, to relieve the pecuniary difficulties of his father, with a rapidity unparalleled, he passed through the midst of his foes, surprised and plundered Surat, and carried off a booty which was the means of protracting the evil days of his country. But for the exercise of the chief virtue of the Rajput, he [369] had little scope throughout his reign, and fortunately for his country the powerful esteem and friendship which Jahangir and Prince Khurram evinced for his house, enabled him to put forth the talents he possessed to repair past disasters. He fortified the heights round the capital, which he strengthened with a wall and ditch, partly enlarged the noble dam which retains the waters of the Pichola, and built that entire portion of the palace called the Rawala, still set apart for the ladies of the court.

Terms between Rana Karan Singh and Jahangir

When Rana Amra made terms with Jahangir, he stipulated, as a salvo for his dignity and that of his successors, exemption from all personal attendance; and confined the extent of homage to his successors receiving, on each lapse of the crown, the farman or imperial decree in token of subordination, which, more strongly to mark their dependent condition, the Rana was to accept without the walls of his capital; accordingly, though the heirs-apparent of Mewar1226 attended the court, they never did as Rana. Partly to lessen the weight of this sacrifice to independence, and partly to exalt the higher grade of nobles, the princes of the blood-royal of Mewar were made to rank below the Sixteen, a fictitious diminution of dignity which, with similar acts peculiar to this house, enhanced the self-estimation of the nobles, and made them brave every danger to obtain such sacrifices to the ruling passion of the Rajput, a love of distinction1227. It is mentioned by the emperor

Rajmahall

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that he placed the heir-apparent of Mewar immediately on his right hand, over all the princes of Hindustan; consequently the superior nobles of Mewar, who were all men of royal descent, deemed themselves, and had their [370] claims admitted, to rank above their peers at other courts, and to be seated almost on an equality with their princes1228.

Sesodias in the Imperial Service

The Sesodia chieftains were soon distinguished amongst the Rajput vassals of the Mogul, and had a full share of power. Of these Bhim, the younger brother of Karan, who headed the quota of Mewar, was conspicuous, and became the chief adviser and friend of Sultan Khurram, who well knew his intrepidity. At his son’s solicitation, the emperor conferred upon him the title of Raja, and assigned a small principality on the Banas for his residence, of which Toda was the capital. Ambitious of perpetuating a name, he erected a new city and palace on the banks of the river, which he called Rajmahall, and which his descendants held till about forty years ago. The ruins of Rajmahall1229 bear testimony to the architectural taste

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of this son of Mewar, as do the fallen fortunes of his descendant to the instability of power: the lineal heir of Raja Bhim serves the chief of Shahpura on half a crown a day!

Revolt and Death of Bhim Singh

Jahangir, notwithstanding his favours, soon had a specimen of the insubordinate spirit of Bhim. Being desirous to separate him from Sultan Khurram, who aspired to the crown in prejudice to his elder brother Parvez, he appointed Bhim to the government of Gujarat, which was distinctly refused. Detesting Parvez, who, it will be recollected, invaded Mewar, and was foiled for his cruelty on this occasion, Bhim advised his friend at once to throw off the mask, if he aspired to reign. Parvez was slain1230, and Khurram manifested his guilt by flying to arms. [371] He was secretly supported by a strong party of the Rajput interest, at the head of which was Gaj Singh of Marwar, his maternal grandfather, who cautiously desired to remain neutral. Jahangir advanced to crush the incipient revolt; but dubious of the Rathor (Gaj Singh), he gave the van to Jaipur, upon which the prince furled his banners and determined to be a spectator. The armies approached and were joining action, when the impetuous Bhim sent a message to the Rathor either to aid or oppose them. The insult provoked him to the latter course, and Bhim’s party was destroyed, himself slain1231, and Khurram and Mahabat Khan compelled to seek refuge

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in Udaipur. In this asylum he remained undisturbed: apartments in the palace were assigned to him; but his followers little respecting Rajput prejudices, the island became his residence, on which a sumptuous edifice was raised, adorned with a lofty dome crowned with the crescent. The interior was decorated with mosaic, in onyx, cornelian, jaspers, and agates, rich Turkey carpets, etc.; and that nothing of state might be wanting to the royal refugee, a throne was sculptured from a single block of serpentine, supported by quadriform female Caryatidae. In the court a little chapel was erected to the Muhammadan saint Madar1232, and here the prince with his court resided, every wish anticipated, till a short time before his father’s death, when he retired into Persia1233.

Such was Rajput gratitude to a prince who, when the chances of war made him victor over them, had sought unceasingly to mitigate the misery attendant on the loss of independence! It is pleasing to record to the honour of this calumniated race, that these feelings on the part of Karan were not transient; and that so far from expiring with the object,

The debt immense of endless gratitude

was transmitted as an heirloom to his issue; and though two centuries have fled, during which Mewar had suffered every

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variety of woe, pillaged by Mogul, [372] Pathan, and Mahratta, yet the turban of Prince Khurram, the symbol of fraternity1234, has been preserved, and remains in the same folds as when transferred from the head of the Mogul to that of the Rajput prince. The shield is yet held as the most sacred of relics, nor will the lamp which illumines the chapel of Madar want oil while the princes of Udaipur have wherewithal to supply it1235.

Death of Rana Karan Singh

Rana Karan had enjoyed eight years of perfect tranquillity when he was gathered to his fathers. The sanctuary he gave Prince Khurram had no apparent effect on Jahangir, who doubtless believed that the Rana did not sanction the conduct of his brother Bhim. He was succeeded by his son Jagat Singh, ‘the lion of the world,’ in S. 1684 (A.D. 1628).

Rana Jagat Singh I., A.D. 1628–52

The Emperor Jahangir died shortly after his accession [October 28, 1627], and while Khurram was in exile. This event, which gave the throne to the friend of his house, was announced to him by the Rana, who sent his brother and a band of Rajputs to Surat to form the cortege of the emperor, who repaired directly to Udaipur; and it was in the Badal Mahal] (‘the cloud saloon’) of his palace that he was first saluted by the title of ‘Shah Jahan,’ by the satraps and tributary princes of the empire1236. On taking leave, the new monarch restored five alienated districts, and presented the Rana

Jagmandir Palace

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with a ruby of inestimable value, giving him also permission to reconstruct the fortifications of Chitor1237.

The twenty-six years during which Jagat Singh occupied the throne passed in uninterrupted tranquillity: a state unfruitful to the bard, who flourishes only amidst agitation and strife. This period was devoted to the cultivation of the peaceful arts, especially architecture; and to Jagat Singh Udaipur is indebted for those magnificent works which bear his name, and excite our astonishment, after all the disasters we have related, at the resources he found to accomplish them. [373]

Erection of Buildings at Udaipur

The palace on the lake (covering about four acres), called the Jagniwas, is entirely his work, as well as many additions to its sister isle, on which is the Jagmandir1238. Nothing but marble enters into their composition; columns, baths, reservoirs, fountains, all are of this material, often inlaid with mosaics, and the uniformity pleasingly diversified by the light passing through glass of every hue. The apartments are decorated with historical paintings in water-colours, almost meriting the term fresco from their deep absorption in the wall, though the darker tints have blended with and in part obscured the more delicate shades, from atmospheric causes. The walls, both here and in the grand palace, contain many medallions, in considerable relief, in gypsum, portraying the principal historical events of the family, from early periods even to the marriage pomp of the present Rana. Parterres of flowers, orange and lemon groves, intervene to dispel the monotony of the buildings, shaded by the wide-spreading tamarind and magnificent evergreen khirni1239; while the graceful palmyra and coco wave their plume-like branches over the dark cypress or cooling plantain. Detached colonnaded refectories are placed on the water’s edge for the chiefs, and extensive baths for their use. here they listened to the tale of the bard, and slept off their noonday opiate amidst

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the cool breezes of the lake, wafting delicious odours from myriads of the lotus-flower which covered the surface of the waters; and as the fumes of the potion evaporated, they opened their eyes on a landscape to which not even its inspirations could frame an equal: the broad waters of the Pichola, with its indented and well-wooded margin receding to the terminating point of sight, at which the temple of Brahmpuri opened on the pass of the gigantic Aravalli, the field of the exploits of their forefathers. Amid such scenes did the Sesodia princes and chieftains recreate during two generations, exchanging the din of arms for voluptuous inactivity.

Jagat Singh was a highly respected prince, and did much to efface the remembrance of the rude visitations of the Moguls. The dignity of his character, his benevolence of address and personal demeanour, secured the homage of all who had access to him, and are alike attested by the pen of the emperor, the ambassador of England, and the chronicles of Mewar. He had the proud satisfaction [374] of redeeming the ancient capital from ruin; rebuilding the “chaplet bastion1240, restoring the portals, and replacing the pinnacles on the temples of Chitrakot.” By a princess of Marwar he left two sons, the eldest of whom succeeded.

Rana Raj Singh, A.D. 1652–80

Raj Singh (the royal lion) mounted the throne in S. 1710 (A.D. 1654). Various causes over which he had no control combined, together with his personal character, to break the long repose his country had enjoyed. The emperor of the Moguls had reached extreme old age, and the ambition of his sons to usurp his authority involved every Rajput in support of their individual pretensions. The Rana inclined to Dara1241, the legitimate heir to the throne, as did nearly the whole Rajput race; but the battle of Fatehabad1242 silenced every pretension, and gave the lead to Aurangzeb, which he maintained by the sacrifice of whatever opposed his ambition. His father, brothers, nay, his own offspring, were in turn victims to that thirst for power which eventually destroyed the monarchy of the Moguls.

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The policy introduced by their founder, from which Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah Jahan had reaped so many benefits, was unwisely abandoned by the latter, who of all had the most powerful reasons for maintaining those ties which connected the Rajput princes with his house. Historians have neglected to notice the great moral strength derived from this unity of the indigenous races with their conquerors; for during no similar period was the empire so secure, nor the Hindu race so cherished, as during the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan: the former born from Rajput princess of Amber, and the latter from the house of Marwar. Aurangzeb’s unmixed Tatar blood brought no Rajput sympathies to his aid; on the contrary, every noble family shed their best blood in withstanding his accession, and in the defence of Shah Jahan’s rights, while there was a hope of success. The politic Aurangzeb was not blind to this defect, and he tried to remedy it in his successor; for both his declared heir, Shah Alam, and Azam, as well as his favourite grandson1243, were the offspring of Rajputnis; but, uninfluenced himself by such predilections, his bigotry outweighed his policy, and he visited the Rajputs with an unrelenting and unwise persecution. [375]

We shall pass the twice-told tale of the struggle for power which ended in the destruction of the brothers, competitors with Aurangzeb: this belongs to general history, not to the annals of Mewar; and that history is in every hand1244, in which the magnanimity of Dara1245, the impetuosity of Murad, and the activity of Suja met the same tragical end.

Princes contemporary with Aurangzeb

It has seldom occurred that so many distinguished princes were contemporary as during the reign of Aurangzeb. Every Rajput principality had a head above mediocrity in conduct as in courage. Jai Singh of Amber,

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surnamed ‘the Mirza Raja’; Jaswant Singh of Marwar, with the Haras of Bundi and Kotah; the Rathors of Bikaner, and Bundelas of Orehha and Datia, were men whose prejudices, properly consulted, would have rendered the Mogul power indissoluble: but he had but one measure of contumely for all, which inspired Sivaji with designs of freedom to Maharashtra, and withdrew every sentiment of support from the princes of Rajasthan. In subtlety and the most specious hypocrisy, in that concentration of resolve which confides its deep purpose to none, in every qualification of the warrior or scholar1246, Aurangzeb had

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no superior amongst the many distinguished [376] of his race; but that sin by which ‘angels fell’ had steeped him in an ocean of guilt, and not only neutralized his natural capacities, but converted the means for unlimited power into an engine of self-destruction.

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“This hypocrisy,” says the eloquent Orme1247, “encreased with his power, and in order to palliate to his Mahomedan subjects the crimes by which he had become their sovereign, he determined to enforce the conversion of the Hindoos by the severest penalties, and even threatned the sword; as if the blood of his subjects were to wash away the stains, with Which he was imbrued by the blood of his family. ... Labour left the field and industry the loom, until the decrease of the revenues drew representations from the governors of the provinces; which induced Aurungzebe to substitute a capitation tax1248 as the ballance of the account between the two religions.” The same historian justly characterizes this enactment as one so contrary to all notions of sound policy, as well as of the feelings of humanity, that “reflection seeks the motive with amazement.” In this amazement we might remain, nor seek to develop the motive, did not the ample page of history in all [377] nations disclose that in the name of religion more blood has been shed, and more atrocity committed, than by the united action of the whole catalogue of the passions. Muhammad’s creed was based on conversion, which, by whatever means effected, was a plenary atonement for every crime. In obedience thereto Aurangzeb acted; but though myriads of victims who clung to their faith were sacrificed by him at the fiat of this gladiatorial prophet, yet nor these, nor the scrupulous fulfilment of fanatic observances, could soothe at the dread hour the perturbations of the ‘still small voice’ which whispered the names of father, brother, son, bereft by him of life. Eloquently does he portray these terrors in his letters to his grandson on his death-bed, wherein he says, “Whichever way I look, I see only the divinity” – and that an offended divinity1249. [378]

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Rana Raj Singh defies Aurangzeb

Raj Singh had signalized his accession by the revival of the warlike Tika-daur, and plundered

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Malpura, which though on the Ajmer frontier, Shah Jahan, when advised to vengeance, replied “it was only a folly of his nephew1250.” An appeal to his gallantry made him throw down the gauntlet to Aurangzeb in the plenitude of Isis power, when the valour of the Sesodias again burst forth in all the splendour of the days of Partap; nor did the contest close till after a series of brilliant victories, and with the narrow escape from captivity of the Xerxes of Hindustan. The Mogul demanded the hand of the princess of Rupnagar, a junior branch of the Marwar house, and sent with the demand (a compliance with which was contemplated

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as certain) a cortege of two thousand horse to escort the fair to court. But the haughty Rajputni, either indignant at such precipitation or charmed with the gallantry, of the Rana, who had evinced his devotion to the fair by measuring his sword with the head of her house, rejected with disdain the proffered alliance, and, justified by brilliant precedents in the romantic history of her nation, she entrusted her cause to the arm of the chief of the Rajput race, offering herself as the reward of protection. The family priest (her preceptor) deemed his office honoured by being the messenger of her wishes, and the billet he conveyed is incorporated in the memorial of this reign. “Is the swan to be the mate of the stork: a Rajputni, pure in blood, to be wife to the monkey-faced barbarian!” concluding with a threat of self-destruction if not saved from dishonour. This appeal, with other powerful motives, was seized on with avidity by the Rana as a pretext to throw away the scabbard, in order to illustrate the opening of a warfare, in which he determined to put all to the hazard in defence of his country and his faith. The issue was an omen of success to his warlike and [379] superstitious vassalage. With a chosen band he rapidly passed the foot of the Aravalli and appeared before Rupnagar, cut up the imperial guards, and bore off the prize to his capital. The daring act was applauded by all who bore the name of Rajput, and his chiefs with joy gathered their retainers around the ‘red standard,’ to protect the queen so gallantly achieved.

The Imposition of the Jizya or Capitation Tex

The annalist of Rajputana is but an indifferent chronologist, and leaves us doubtful of the exact succession of events at this period. It was not, however, till the death of those two powerful princes, Jaswant Singh of Marwar and Jai Singh of Amber, both poisoned by command of the tyrant, the one at his distant government of Kabul, the other in the Deccan, that he deemed himself free to put forth the full extent of his long-concealed design, the imposition of the jizya or capitation tax on the whole Hindu race. But he miscalculated his measures, and the murder of these princes, far from advancing his aim, recoiled with vengeance on his head. Foiled in his plot to entrap the infant sons of the Rathor by the self-devotion of his vassals1251, the compound treachery evinced that

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their only hope lay in a deadly resistance. The mother of Ajit, the infant heir of Marwar, a woman of the most determined character, was a princess of Mewar, and she threw herself upon the Rana as the natural guardian of his rights, for sanctuary (saran) during the dangers of his minority. This was readily yielded, and Kelwa assigned as his residence, where under the immediate safeguard of the brave Durgadas Ajit resided1252, while she nursed the spirit of resistance at home. A union of interests was cemented between these the chief States of Rajputana, for which they never before had such motive, and but for repeated instances of an ill-judged humanity, the throne of the Moguls might have been completely overturned [380].

Letter of Remonstrance to Aurangzeb

On the promulgation of that barbarous edict, the jizya, the Rana remonstrated by letter, in the name of the nation of which he was the head, in a style of such uncompromising dignity, such lofty yet temperate resolve, so much of soul-stirring rebuke mingled with a boundless and tolerating benevolence, such elevated ideas of the Divinity with such pure philanthropy, that it may challenge competition with any epistolary production of any age, clime, or condition1253.

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In this are contained the true principles of Christianity, and to the illustrious Gentile, and such as acted as he did, was pointed

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that golden sentence of toleration, “Those [381] who have not the law, yet do by nature the things contained in the law, shall be a law unto themselves.”

Aurangzeb attacks Mewar

This letter, the sanctuary afforded Ajit, and (what the historical parasite of the Mogul’s life dared not indite1254) the carrying off of his betrothed, made him pour out all the phials of his wrath against the devoted Mewar, and his preparations more resembled those for the conquest of a potent kingdom than the subjugation of a Rajput zamindar1255, a vassal of that colossal empire on whose surface his domain was but a speck. In the very magnitude of these, the Suzerain of Hindustan paid the highest tribute of praise to the tributary Rajput, for he denuded the very extremities of his empire to assemble a host which he deemed must prove irresistible. Akbar was recalled from his province, Bengal; Azam from the distant Kabul; and even Muazzam (the Mogul’s heir) from the war in the Deccan.

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With this formidable array1256 the emperor entered Mewar, and soon reduced the low countries, which experience had taught them were indefensible, the inhabitants previously retiring with their effects to the hills1257. Chitor, Mandalgarh, Mandasor, Jiran, and many other strongholds were obtained after the usual form of opposition, and garrisoned by the Moguls. Meanwhile the Rana was animating the might of the Aravalli, where he meditated a resistance proportioned to the peril which threatened every cherished prejudice of his race: not the mere defence of dominion or dignity, but a struggle, pro aris et focis, around which rallied every Rajput with the most deadly determination. Even the primitive races of the western wilds, “the Palindas and Palipats1258 (lord of the passes), with thousands of bows, and hearts devoted in the cause of Hindupat1259,” assembled round the red banner of Mewar. The Rana divided his forces into three bodies. [382] His eldest son, Jai Singh, was posted on the crest of the Aravalli, ready to act on the invaders from either side of the mountains. Prince Bhim was to the west, to keep up the communications with the outlets to Gujarat; while the Rana, with the main body, took post in the Nai defile, unassailable by the enemy, and hanging on his left flank, ready to turn it, and cut off all retreat the moment the Imperialists entered the mountains. Aurangzeb advanced to Debari, but instead of entering the valley of which it was the gorge, he halted, and by the advice of Tahawwar Khan1260 sent on Prince Akbar with fifty thousand men to the capital. This caution of the wily monarch saved him from the ably planned scheme of the Rajput prince, who evinced a thorough knowledge1261 of the topography of this intricate and

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romantic portion of his domain. The Girwa, emphatically ‘the Circle,’ from which the valley of the capital is named, has this form to the eye when viewing it from thence as a centre. It is, however, an irregular ellipse of about fourteen miles in length from south to north, and about eleven in breadth from east to west, the capital being situated towards the extremity of the transverse axis, having only the lake Pichola between it and the base of the Aravalli. The mountains of this circular (girwa) valley, ranging from eight to twelve hundred feet in height, are of primitive formation, and raise their fantastic pinnacles in every diversity of shape over each other. To the westward the grand chain rises two thousand feet above the plains, and might be termed the chord, of which the Girwa is an irregular segment of a circle, less in height, and far less compound in character. Towards the plains east, it has three practicable passes; one, the more northern, by Delwara; the other (central), by Debari; a third, leading to the intricacies of Chappan, that of Nai. Of these three passes the emperor chose the most practicable, and encamped near the Udaisagar lake, on the left of its entrance.

The Advance of Prince Akbar

Prince Akbar advanced. “Not a soul interrupted his progress to the city. Palaces, gardens, lakes, and isles met his eye, but no living thing: all was silence.” Akbar encamped. Accustomed to this desertion from the desire of the people to avoid a licentious soldiery, and lulled into a hardy security, he was surprised [383] by the heir of Mewar. Some were praying, some feasting, some at chess: “they came to steal and yet fell asleep,” says the annalist, and were dispersed with terrific and unrelenting slaughter. Cut off from the possibility of a junction with the emperor by a movement of a part of the Rana’s personal force, Akbar attempted a retreat to the plains of Marwar by the route of Gogunda. It was a choice of evils, and he took the worst. The allodial vassals of the mountains, with the Bhil auxiliaries, outstripped his retreat, and blocked up farther egress in one of those long-extended valleys termed Nal, closed by a natural rampart or Col, on which they

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formed abbatis of trees, and manning the crests on each side, hurled destruction on the foe; while the prince, in like manner, blocked up the entrance and barred retrogression. Death menaced them in every form. For several days they had only the prospect of surrender to save them from famine and a justly incensed foe, when an ill-judged humanity on the part of Jai Singh saved them from annihilation. He admitted overtures, confided in protestations to renounce the origin of the war, and gave them guides to conduct them by the defile of Jhilwara, nor did they halt till protected by the walls of Chitor1262.

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Another body of the Imperialists, under the celebrated Dilir Khan1263, who [384] entered by the Desuri Pass from Marwar (probably with a view of extricating Prince Akbar), were allowed to advance unopposed, and when in the long intricate gorge were assailed by Bikram Solanki1264 and Gopinath Rathor1265 (both nobles of Mewar), and after a desperate conflict entirely destroyed. On each occasion a vast booty fell into the hands of the Rajputs.

So ably concerted was this mountain warfare, that these defeats were the signal for a simultaneous attack by the Rana on Aurangzeb, who, with his son Azam, watched at Debari the result of the operations under Akbar and Dilir. The great home-clans had more than their wonted rivalry to sustain them, for the gallant Durgadas with the Rathor swords (talwar Rathoran) whetted by an accumulation of wrongs, were to combat with them against their common oppressor; and nobly did they contest the palm of glory. The tyrant could not withstand them: his guns, though manned by Franks, could not protect him against the just cause and avenging steel of the Rajput, and he was beaten and compelled to disgraceful flight, with an immense loss in men and equipment. The Rana had to lament many brave leaders, home and auxiliary; and the imperial standard, elephants, and state equipage fell into his hands, the acquisition of Mohkam and the Saktawats. This glorious encounter occurred in the spring month of Phalgun, S. 1737, March A.D. 1681 [1680].

The discomfited forces formed a junction under the walls of A Chitor, whence the emperor dictated the recall of his son, Prince Muazzam, from the Deccan, deeming it of greater moment to regain lost importance in the north than to prevent the independence of Sivaji. Meanwhile the activity of Sawaldas (descended from the illustrious Jaimall) cut off the communication between Chitor and Ajmer, and alarmed the tyrant for his personal safety. Leaving, therefore, this perilous warfare to his sons Azam and Akbar, with instructions how to act till reinforced, – foiled in his

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vengeance and personally disgraced, he abandoned Mewar, and at the head of his guards repaired to Ajmer. Thence he detached1266 Khan Rohilla, with twelve thousand men, against Sawaldas, with supplies and equipments for his sons. The Rathor, joined by the troops of Marwar, gave him the meeting at Pur Mandal, and defeated the Imperialists with great loss, driving them back on Ajmer. [385]

Diversion made by the Rajputs

While the Rana, his heir and auxiliaries, were thus triumphant in all their operations, Prince Bhim with the left division was not idle, but made a powerful diversion by the invasion of Gujarat, captured Idar, expelling Hasan and his garrison, and proceeding by Birnagar, suddenly appeared before Patan, the residence of the provincial satrap, which he plundered. Siddhpur, Modasa1267, and other towns shared the same fate; and he was in full march to Surat, when the benevolence of the Rana, touched at the woes of the fugitives, who came to demand his forbearance, caused him to recall Bhim in the midst of his career.

Contrary to the Rajput character, whose maxim is parcere subjectis, they were compelled by the utter faithlessness of Aurangzeb (chiefly vulnerable through his resources) to retaliate his excesses; and Dayal Sah, the civil minister, a man of high courage and activity, headed another flying force, which ravaged Malwa to the Nerbudda and Betwa. Sarangpur, Dewas, Sironj, Mandu, Ujjain, and Chanderi were plundered, and numerous garrisons put to the sword; and, to use the words of the Chronicle, “husbands abandoned their wives and children, and whatever could not be carried off was given to the flames.” For once they avenged themselves, in imitation of the tyrant, even on the religion of their enemies: “the Kazis were bound and shaved, and the Korans thrown into wells.” The minister was unrelenting and made Malwa a desert, and from the fruits of his incursions repaired the resources of his master. Flushed with success, he formed a junction with the heir of Mewar, and gave battle to Azam near Chitor. On this occasion the flower of Mewar, with the Rathor and Khichi auxiliaries1268, were engaged, and obtained

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a glorious victory, the Mogul prince being defeated and pursued with great slaughter to Ranthambhor, which he entered. This was a just revenge, for it was Azam who surprised Chitor the year preceding. In Mewar the contest terminated with the expulsion of the Imperialists from the country; when the Rana, in support of the rights of the minor prince of Marwar, united his arms to the forces of that state, and opened the campaign at Ghanerao, the chief town of [386] Godwar. The heroic mother of the infant Rathor prince, a daughter of Mewar, had, since the death of her husband, well supported his rights, having resisted every aggression and regained many lost advantages over their antagonist. Prince Bhim commanded the Sesodias, who formed a junction with the Rathors, and gave battle to the royal forces led by Akbar and Tahawwar Khan, whom they entirely defeated. The victory is chiefly attributed to a stratagem of a Rajput chief, who, having carried off five hundred camels from the Imperialists, conceived the idea of fixing torches to them and letting them loose in the royal camp; and, in the confusion produced by the charge of such a body, the Rajputs assaulted them.

Plan to dethrone Aurangzeb

On their continued successes, the Rana and his allies meditated the project of dethroning the tyrant and setting up his son Akbar. The pernicious example of his father towards Shah Jahan was not lost upon Akbar, who favourably received the overture; but he wanted the circumspection which characterized Aurangzeb, whose penetration defeated the scheme when on the eve of execution1269. Already had the Rajput armies united with Akbar, and the astrologer had fixed the day which was to exalt him; but the revealer of secrets baffled his own prediction by disclosing it to the emperor. Aurangzeb, attended only by his guards at Ajmer, had recourse to the same artifice which raised him to empire, in order to ward off this danger. Akbar was but one day’s march distant; his elder sons, Muazzam and Azam, yet far off. Not a moment was to be lost: he penned a letter to his son, which by a spy was

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dropped in ‘the tent of the Rajput leader Durgadas1270. In this he applauded a pretended scheme by which Akbar was to fall upon them when they engaged the emperor. The same scheme had saved Sher Shah in this country from Maldeo, and has more recently been put in practice, and with like success, in the war with Sivaji. It succeeded. The Rajputs detached themselves from the prince who had apparently betrayed them. Tahawwar Khan, in despair, lost his life in an attempt to assassinate the emperor1271, and before the artifice was discovered, the reinforcements under Muazzam and Azam arrived, and Aurangzeb was saved. The Rajputs still offered saran (refuge) to Akbar; but aware of his father’s vigour of character, he deemed himself unsafe in his vieinage, and accepted the escort of five hundred Rajputs led by Durgadas, [387] who cut their way through every opposition by the defiles of Mewar and Dungarpur, and across the Nerbudda, to the Mahratta leader Sambhaji, at Palargarh whence he was shortly after conveyed in an English ship to Persia1272.

Overtures for Peace

“The escape of Acbar” (observes an historian1273, who appreciated the importance of the transactions of this period) “to Sambagee, oppressed Aurengzebe with as much anxiety, as formerly the phantom of his brother Sujah amongst the Pitans; and the consequence of their alliance

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became a nearer care than the continuance of the war against the Rajpoots, whose gallant activity prevented a speedy decision by the sword; but the dignity of the throne forbad any overtures of peace to a resistance which had attempted the deposal, if not the life, of the monarch. A Rajpoot officer, who had long served with distinction under Delire Khan, solved the difficulty: he quitted the army on the pretence of retiring to his own country and visited the Rana as from courtesy on Isis journey. The conversation turned on the war, which the Rajpoot perhaps really lamented, and he persuaded the Rana that although Aurengzebe would never condescend to make, he might accept overtures of peace: upon which he was empowered by the Rana to tender them1274.” The domestic annals confirm this account, and give the name of this mediator, Raja Shyam Singh of Bikaner; but the negotiation was infamously protracted to the rains, the period when operations necessarily cease, and by which time Aurangzeb had recruited his broken forces, and was again enabled to take the field; and it was concluded “without assertion or release of the capitation tax, but with the surrender of the districts taken from Chitor, and the State of Jodhpur was included in the treaty.” How correctly this elegant historian had obtained a knowledge of those events, a translation of the treaty evinces1275. But these

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occurrences belong to the succeeding reign, for the Rana died about this period1276, from wounds and vexation.

Cruel Treatment of Raja of Golkonda

Once more we claim the reader’s admiration on behalf of another patriot prince of Mewar, and ask him to contrast the indigenous Rajput with the emperor of the Moguls [388]; though to compare them would be manifestly unjust, since in every moral virtue they were antipodes to each other. Aurangzeb accumulated on his head more crimes than any prince who ever sat on an Asiatic throne. With all the disregard of life which marks his nation, he was never betrayed, even in the fever of success, into a single generous action; and, contrary to the prevailing principle of our nature, the moment of his foe’s submission was that chosen for the malignant completion of his revenge: witness his scourging the prostrate King of Golkonda1277. How opposite to the beneficence of the Rajput prince, who, when the most efficient means of self-defence lay in the destruction of the resources of his enemy, feeling for the miseries of the suffering population of his persecutor, recalled his son in the midst of victory! As a skilful general and gallant soldier, in the defence of his country, he is above all [389] praise. As a chivalrous Rajput, his braving all consequences when called upon to save the honour of a noble female of his race, he is without parallel. As an accomplished prince and benevolent man, his dignified letter of remonstrance to Aurangzeb on the promulgation of the capitation edict, places him high in the scale of moral as well as intellectual excellence; and an additional evidence of both, and of his taste for the arts, is furnished by the formation of the inland lake, the Rajsamund, with a slight account of which, and the motives for its execution, we shall conclude the sketch of this glorious epoch in the annals of Mewar.

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The Rajsamund Lake

This great national work is twenty-five miles north of the capital, and is situated on the declivity of the plain about two miles from the base of the Aravalli. A small perennial stream, called the Gomati or ‘serpentine1278,’ flowing from these mountains, was arrested in its course, and confined by an immense embankment, made to form the lake called after himself, Rajsamund, or royal sea.’ The band or dam forms an irregular segment of a circle, embracing an extent of nearly three miles, and encircling the waters on every side except the space between the north-west and north-east points. This barrier, which confines a sheet of water of great depth, and about twelve miles in circumference, is entirely of white marble, with a flight of steps of the same material, throughout this extent, from the summit to the water’s edge; the whole buttressed by an enormous rampart of earth, which, had the projector lived, would have been planted with trees to form a promenade. On the south side are the town and fortress built by the Rana, and bearing his name, Rajnagar; and upon the embankment stands the temple of Kankroli, the shrine of one of the seven forms (sarup) of Krishna. The whole is ornamented with sculpture of tolerable execution for the age; and a genealogical sketch of the founder’s family is inscribed in conspicuous characters. One million one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling1279, contributed by the Rana, his chiefs and opulent subjects, was expended on this work, of which the material was from the adjacent quarries. But, magnificent, costly, and useful as it is, it derives its chief beauty from the benevolent motive to which it owes its birth: to alleviate the miseries of a starving population, and make their employment conducive to national benefit, during one of those awful visitations [390] of providence, famine, and pestilence with which these states are sometimes afflicted.

The Famine of A.D. 1662

It was in S. 17171280, only seven years after the accession of Raj Singh, that these combined evils reached Mewar, less subject to them, owing to its natural advantages, than any other State in India1281; and on Tuesday the 8th of Pus,

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Hasti Nakshatra (constellation of the elephant), as fixed by the astrologer, the first stone was laid. “The chief of Mewar, deeply meditating on this extreme distress, determined to raise a monument, by which the wretched might be supported and his own name perpetuated. This was seven years in constructing, and at its commencement and termination all the rites of sacrifice and oblation were observed.

“The Rana went to implore favour at the temple of the ‘four-armed’; for though Asarh was over, not a drop of rain fell from the heavens; and, in like manner, the months of Sawan and Bhadon passed away1282. For want of water the world was in despair, and people went mad with hunger. Things unknown as food were eaten. The husband abandoned the wife, the wife the husband – parents sold their children – time increased the evil; it spread far and wide: even the insects died: they had nothing to feed on. Thousands of all ages became victims to hunger. Those who procured food to-day, ate twice what nature required. The wind was from the west, a pestilential vapour. The constellations were always visible at night, nor was there a cloud in the sky by day, and thunder and lightning were unknown. Such portents filled mankind with dread. Rivers, lakes, and fountains were dried up. Men of wealth meted out the portions of food. The ministers of religion forgot their duties. There was no longer distinction of caste, and the Sudra and Brahman were undistinguishable. Strength, wisdom, caste, tribe, all were abandoned, and food alone was the object. The Charbaran1283 threw away every symbol of separation; all was lost in hunger. Fruits, flowers, every vegetable thing, even trees were stripped of their bark, to appease the cravings [391] of hunger: nay, man ate man Cities were depopulated. The seed of families was lost, the fishes were extinct, and the hope of all extinguished1284.”

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Such is the simple yet terrific record of this pestilence, from which Mewar was hardly freed, when Aurangzeb commenced the religious warfare narrated, with all its atrocities, still further to devastate this fair region. But a just retribution resulted from this disregard to the character and prejudices of the Rajputs, which visited the emperor with shame, and his successors with the overthrow of their power.

Footnotes

1226. The contingent of Mewar was one thousand horse.

1227. During the progress of my mediation between the Rana and his nobles, in 1818, the conduct of the lineal representative of Jaimail, the defender of Chitor against Akbar, was striking. Instead of surrendering the lands which he was accused of usurping, he placed himself at the door of the threshold of the palace, whence he was immovable. His claims were left to my adjudication: but be complained with great heat of the omission of ceremonials, and especially of the prostration of honours by the prince. I incautiously remarked that these were trivial compared with the other objects in view, and begged him to disregard it. “Disregard it! why, it was for these things my ancestors sacrificed their lives; when such a band* as this on my turban was deemed ample reward for the most distinguished service, and made them laugh at wounds and hardships!” Abashed at the inconsiderate remark which provoked this lofty reproof, I used my influence to have the omission rectified: the lands were restored, and the enthusiastic reverence with which I spoke of Jaimall would have obtained even greater proof of the Badnor chief’s regard for the fame of his ancestors than the - surrender of them implied. Who would not honour this attachment to such emblems in the days of adversity?

* Balaband, a fillet or band, sometimes embroidered; often, as in the present case, of silk or gold thread knotted, and tassels tied round the turban. Balaband is synonymous with diadem.

1228. This was conceded, as the following anecdote will attest. When the first Peshwa [Balaji Visvanath (1707–20)] appeared at the Jaipur court he was accompanied by the Salumbar chieftain. The Jaipur prince divided his gaddi (cushion) with the Peshwa, and the latter made room for the Salumbar chief upon it, observing that their privileges and rank were similar. The same Peshwa had the address to avoid all discussion of rank at Udaipur, by alleging the prerogative of his order to ‘spread his cloth in front of the throne,’ a distinction to which every priest is entitled.

1229. The plate represents Rajmahall, on the Banas, now in the fief of Rao Chand Singh, one of the Jaipur nobles, whose castle of Duni is in the distance. There are many picturesque scenes of this nature on the Banas. Duni made a celebrated defence against Sindhia’s army in 1808, and held out several months, though the Mahratta prince had an army of forty thousand men and a park of eighty pieces of cannon to oppose two hundred Rajputs. They made sorties, captured his foragers, cut his batteries to pieces, and carried off his guns (of which they had none), and, placing them on their walls, with his own shot made the whole army change position, beyond matchlock range. At last their inexpertness rendered them useless, and they obtained honourable terms. On one occasion the foragers of our escort were returning, and met Sindhia’s coming away without their guns and cattle, which had just been taken from them. Our lads, from fellowship, volunteered to recover them, and returned on the captors, who gave them up (if my memory deceive me not) without a struggle, and from respect to the red coat!

1230. [Parvez died at Burhanpur, Nimar District, Central Provinces, in his thirty-eighth year, on October 28, 1626.]

1231. Man Singh, chief of the Saktawats, and his brother Gokuldas, were Bhim’s advisers, and formed with Mahabat Khan the junta who ruled the Mogul heir-apparent. Man held Sanwar in the Khairar, and was celebrated in Amra’s wars as the great champion of the Sesodias. He counted above eighty wounds, and had at various times “sent a ser (two pounds) of exfoliated bone to the Ganges.” Such was the affection between Man and Bhim, that they concealed the death of the latter, sending him food in Bhim’s name; but he no sooner learned the truth than he tore away the bandages and expired. Of Gokuldas the bard says, in allusion to the peaceful reign of Karan, “The wreath of Karan’s renown was fading, but Gokul revived it with his blood.” It was with the Sesodia Rajputs and the Saktawats that Mahabat performed the most daring exploit in Mogul history, making Jahangir prisoner in his own camp: but it is too long for insertion in a note. [This occurred in 1626; see Elphinstone, Hist. of India, 563.]

1232. [The saint Madar is said to have been a Jew from Aleppo who lived from A.D. 1050 to 1433, and was buried at Makanpur in the Cawnpur District, where pilgrims visit his tomb (101, xvii, 43; Dabistan, trans. Shea-Troyer iii. 244 ff.).]

1233. Contemporary historians say to Golkonda. [Khurram was prevented by bad health from going to Persia, and proceeded to the Deccan. whence he returned after his father’s death (Elphinstone, op. cit. 573; Elliot-Dowson vi. 433, 437, 445).]

1234. An exchange of turbans is the symbol of fraternal adoption.

1235. It is an affecting proof of the perpetuity of true gratitude,

“Which owing, owes not,”

as well as of religious toleration, to find the shrine of the Muhammadan saint maintained in this retreat of the Sesodias, and the priest and establishment kept up, though the son of their benefactor persecuted them with unrelenting barbarity. Are these people worth conciliating? or does the mist of ignorance and egotism so blind us that we are to despise the minds hidden under the cloak of poverty and long oppression? The orange-coloured turban, and the shield of Shah Jahan, have been brought from their sacred niche for my view: that I looked on them with sentiments of reverence, as relics consecrated by the noblest feeling of the mind, will be credited. I bowed to the turban with an irresistible impulse, and a fervour as deep as ever did pilgrim before the most hallowed shrine.

1236. Ferishta [Dow iii. 99], whose geography is often quite unintelligible, omits this in his history, and passes the king direct to Ajmer: but the annals are fuller, and describe the royal insignia conveyed by Mahabat, Abdulla, Khan Jahan, and his secretary Sadullah.

1237. [According to Manucci (i. 214 f.) Shahjahan ordered his Wazir Sadullah Khan to prepare a campaign against the Rana, but the plan was disclosed by a woman, and the Rana made terms, ceded territory, and paid a sum of money. Shahjahan is said to have destroyed the fortifications of Chitor, on the ground that they had been repaired without his father’s permission.]

1238. The minster of the world.’ [According to Erskine (ii. A. 109) the Jagmandir was built by Jagat Singh I. (1628–52); the Jagniwas by Jagat Singh II (1734–51).]

1239. [Wrightia tinctoria (Watt, Comm. Prod. 1131 L).]

1240. The Mala Burj, a ‘chaplet bastion’ blown up by Akbar, is a small fortress of itself.

1241. I have copies of the original letters written by Dara, Suja, Murad, and Aurangzeb on this occasion, each soliciting the Rana’s aid.

1242. [Samugarh, afterwards called Fatehabad, May 20, 1658 (Jadunath Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib, ii. 32 ff.; Manucci i. 270 ff.; Bernier 49 cf.).]

1243. Kambakhsh (son of Jodhpuri, not Udaipuri), ‘the gift of Cupid.’ Of this the Greeks made Cambyses. [Kambakhsh was son of Udaipuri, the youngest and best-loved concubine of Aurangzeb (Judunath Sarkar i. 64). Cambyses is Old Persian Kiibuziya or Karnbuziya (Maspero, Passing of the Empires, 655, note).]

1244. Bernier, who was an eye-witness of these transactions, describes them far better than the Mogul historians, and his accounts tally admirably with the Rajput annals. [But he is not always to be trusted (Jadunath Sarkar ii. 10, note).]

1245. [The proper form is Dara, Shukoh or Shikoh, ‘equal in splendour to Darius.’]

1246. We possess a most erroneous idea of the understanding of Asiatic princes, and the extent of its cultivation. Aurangzeb’s rebuke to his tutor Mulla Sale [Mulla Salih, Bernier 154; Manucci ii. 30], who beset him with a sycophantic intrusion on his coming to the throne, may correct this, and, with the letter of Rana Raj Singh, give the European world juster notions of the powers of mind both of Hindu and Muhammadan. It is preserved by Bernier, who had ample opportunity to acquire a knowledge of them. (From an edition in the author’s possession, printed A.D. 1684, only three years after these events.)

“What is it you would have of me, Doctor? Can you reasonably desire I should make you one of the chief Omrahs of my court? Let me tell you, if you had instructed me as you should have done, nothing would be more just; for I am of this persuasion, that a child well educated and instructed is as much, at least, obliged to his master as to his father. But where are those good documents you have given me? In the first place, you have taught me that all that Frangistan (so it seems they call Europe) was nothing but I know not what little island, of which the greatest king was he of Portugal, and next to him he of Holland, and after him he of England: and as to the other kings, as those of France and Andalusia, you have represented them to me as our petty Rajas; telling me that the kings of Indostan were far above them all together, and that they were the true and only Houmayons, the Ekbars, the Jehan-Guyres, the Chah-Jehans, the fortunate ones, the great ones, the conquerors and kings of the world; and that Persia and Usbee, Kaehguer, Tartar and Catay, Pegu, China and Matehina did tremble at the name of the kings of Indostan. Admirable geography! You should rather have taught me exactly to distinguish all those different states of the world, and well to understand their strength, their way of fighting, their customs, religions, governments, and interests; and, by the perusal of solid history, to observe their rise, progress, decay, and whence, how, and by what accidents and errors those great changes and revolutions of empires and kingdoms have happened. I have scarce learnt of you the name of my grandsires, the famous founders of this empire: so far were you from having taught me the history of their life, and what course they took to make such great conquests. You had a mind to teach me the Arabian tongue, to read and to write. I am much obliged to you, forsooth, for having made me lose so much time upon a language that requires ten or twelve years to attain to its perfection; as if the son of a king should think it to be an honour to him to be a grammarian or some doctor of the law, and to learn other languages than those of his neighbours, when he cannot well be without them; he, to whom time is so precious for so many weighty things, which he ought by times to learn. As if there were any spirit that did not with some reluctancy, and even with a kind of debasement, employ itself in so sad and dry an exercise, so longsom and tedious, as is that of learning words.’

“Thus did Arung-Zebe resent the pedantic instructions of his tutor; to which ‘tis affirmed in that court, that after some entertainment which he had with others, he further added the following reproof:

“ ‘Know you not, that childhood well govern’d, being a state which is ordinarily accompanied with an happy memory, is capable of thousands of good precepts and instructions, which remain deeply impressed the whole remainder of a man’s life, and keep the mind always raised for great actions? The law, prayers, and science, may they not as well be learned in our mother-tongue as in Arabick? You told my father, Chah Jehan, that you would teach me philosophy. ‘Tis true, I remember very well, that you have entertain’d me for many years with airy questions of things that afford no satisfaction at all to the mind, and are of no use in humane society, empty notions and mere phancies, that have only this in them, that they are very hard to understand and very easie to forget, which are only capable to tire and spoil a good understanding, and to breed an opinion that is insupportable. I still remember, that after you had thus amused me, I know not how long, with your fine philosophy, all I retained of it was a multitude of barbarous and dark words, proper to bewilder, perplex, and tine out the best wits, and only invented the better to cover the vanity and ignorance of men like yourself, that would make us believe that they know all, and that under those obscure and ambiguous words are hid great mysteries which they alone are capable to understand. If you had season’d me with that philosophy which formeth the mind to ratiocination, and insensibly accustoms it to be satisfied with nothing but solid reasons, if you had given me those excellent precepts and doctrines which raise the soul above the assaults of fortune, and reduce her to an unshakeable and always equal temper, and permit her not to be lifted up by prosperity nor debased by adversity; if you had taken care to give me the knowledge of what we are and what are the first principles of things, and had assisted me in forming in my mind a fit idea of the greatness of the universe, and of the admirable order and motion of the parts thereof; if, I say, you had instilled into me this kind of philosophy, 1 should think myself incomparably more obliged to you than Alexander was to his Aristotle, and believe it my duty to recompense you otherwise than he did him. Should not you, instead of your flattery, have taught me somewhat of that point so important to a king, which is, what the reciprocal duties are of a sovereign to his subjects and those of subjects to their sovereign; and ought not you to have considered, that one day I should be obliged with the sword to dispute my life and tit crown with my brothers? Is not that the destiny almost of all the sons of Indostan? Have you ever taken any care to make me learn, what ‘tis to besiege a town or to set an army in array? For these things I am obliged to others, not at all to you. Go, and retire to the village whence you are come, and let nobody know who you are or what is become of you.’ ” [For another version of this speech see Bernier 154 ff., Manucci ii. 30 if.]

1247. [Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire, ed. 1782, p. 101. The quotation in the text has been corrected.]

1248. The Jizya.

1249. I deem it right, in order further to illustrate the cultivated understanding of Aurangzeb, to annex the letters written to his sons a few days before his death. With such talents, with so just a conception as these and the rebuke to his tutor evince of his knowledge of the right, what might he not have been had not fell ambition misguided him!

“To Shaw Azim Shaw. [Shah Azam Shah.]

“Health to thee! my heart is near thee. Old age is arrived: weakness subdues me, and strength has forsaken all my members. I came a stranger into this world, and a stranger I depart. I know nothing of myself, what I am, and for what I am destined. The instant which passed in power, hath left only sorrow behind it. I have not been the guardian and protector of the empire. My valuable time has been passed vainly. I had a patron in my own dwelling (conscience), but his glorious light was unseen by my dim sight. Life is not lasting, there is no vestige of departed breath, and all hopes from futurity are lost. The fever has left me, but nothing of me remains but skin and bone. My son (Kaum Buksh), though gone towards Beejapore, is still near; and thou, my son, are yet nearer. The worthy of esteem, Shaw Aulum, is far distant; and my grandson (Azeem Ooshaun), by the orders of God, is arrived near Hindostan. The camp and followers, helpless and alarmed, are like myself, full of affliction, restless as the quicksilver. Separated from their lord, they know not if they have a master or not.

“I brought nothing into this world, and, except the infirmities of man, carry nothing out. I have a dread for my salvation, and with what torments I may be punished. Though I have strong reliance on the mercies and bounty of God, yet, regarding my actions, fear will not quit me; but when I am gone, reflection will not remain. Come then what may, I have launched my vessel to the waves. Though Providence will protect the camp, yet, regarding appearances, the endeavours of my sons are indispensably incumbent. Give my last prayers to my grandson (Bedar Bukht), whom I cannot see, but the desire affects me. The Begum (his daughter) appears afflicted; but God is the only judge of hearts. The foolish thoughts of women produce nothing but disappointment. Farewell! farewell! farewell!” [This letter is printed by H. Bilimoria, Letters of Aurangzeb, 71f.]

“To the Prince Kaum Buksh. [Kambakhsh.]

“My son, nearest to my heart. Though in the height of my power, and by God’s permission, I gave you advice, and took with you the greatest pains, yet, as it was not the divine will, you did not attend with the cars of compliance. Now I depart a stranger, and lament my own insignificance, what does it profit me? I carry with me the fruits of my sins and imperfections. Surprising Providence! I came here alone, and alone I depart. The leader of this caravan hath deserted me. The fever which troubled me for twelve days has left me. Wherever I look, I see nothing but the divinity. My fears for the camp and followers are great: but, alas! I know not myself. My back is bent with weakness, and my feet have lost the powers of motion. The breath which rose is gone, and left not even hope behind it. I have committed numerous crimes, and know not with what punishments I may be seized. Though the protector of mankind will guard the camp, yet care is incumbent also on the faithful and my sons. When I was alive, no care was taken; and now I am gone, the consequence may be guessed. The guardianship of a people is the trust by God committed to my sons. Azim Shaw is near. Be cautious that none of the faithful are slain, or their miseries fall upon my head. 1 resign you, your mother and son, to God, as I myself am going. The agonies of death come upon me fast. Behadur Shaw is still where he was, and his son is arrived near Hindostan. Bedar Bukht is in Guzarat. Hyaut al Nissa, who has beheld no afflictions of time till now, is full of sorrows. Regard the Begum as without concern. Odiporee,* your mother, was a partner in my illness, and wishes to accompany me in death; but every thing has its appointed time.

“The domestics and courtiers, however deceitful, yet must not be ill-treated. It is necessary to gain your views by gentleness and art. Extend your feet no lower than your skirt. The complaints of the unpaid troops are as before. Dara Shekkoh, though of much judgment and good understanding, settled large pensions on his people, but paid them ill and they were ever discontented. I am going. Whatever good or evil I have done, it was for you. Take it not amiss, nor remember what offences I have done to yourself; that account may not be demanded of me hereafter. No one has seen the departure of his own soul; but 1 see that mine is departing” (Memoirs of Eradut Khan). Sec Scott’s Hist. of the Dekhan [ii. Part iv.]. [This letter, with some variants, is printed by Bilimoria, 73 f.]

* Orme [Fragments, 119] calls her a Cashmerian; certainly she was not a daughter of the Rana’s family, though it is not impossible she may have been of one of the great families of Shahpura or Banera (then acting independently of the Rana), and her desire to burn shows her to have been Rajput. [“Such an inference is wrong, because a Hindu princess on marrying a Muslim king lost her caste and religion, and received Islamic burial. We read of no Rajputni of the harem of any of the Mughal emperors having burnt herself with her deceased husband, for the very good reason that a Muslim’s corpse is buried and not burnt. Evidently Udipuri meant that she would kill herself in passionate grief on the death of Aurangzib” (Jadunath Sarkar i. 64, note).]

1250. The emperor was the adopted brother of Rana Karan.

1251. Two hundred and fifty Rajputs opposed five thousand of the Imperialists at a pass, till the family of Jaswant escaped.

1252. The Rana received the young Rathor with the most princely hospitality, and among other gifts a diamond worth ten thousand dinars is enumerated.

1253. This letter, first made known to Europe by Orme [Fragments, Notes, xciii. ff.], has by him been erroneously attributed to Jaswant Singh of Marwar, who was dead before the promulgation of the edict, as the mention of Ramsingh sufficiently indicates, whose father, Jai Singh, was contemporary with Jaswant, and ruled nearly a year after his death. My Munshi obtained a copy of the original letter at Udaipur, where it is properly assigned to the Rana. [Compare the version of this letter in Jadunath Sarkar (iii. 325 ff.), who remarks that “the internal evidence and biographical details of the writer apply to Shivaji and not to Raj Singh. In the penultimate paragraph of the letter Rajah Ram Singh is given for Rana Raj Singh by ASBMs and Orme; but no Jaipur chieftain could have been ‘the head of the Hindus.’ ”] It were superfluous to give a translation after the elegant production of Sir W. B. Rouse.

“Letter from Rana Raj Singh to Aurangzeb.

“All due praise be rendered to the glory of the Almighty, and the munificence of your majesty, which is conspicuous as the sun and moon. Although I, your well-wisher, have separated from your sublime presence, I am nevertheless zealous in the performance of every bounden act of obedience and loyalty. My ardent wishes and strenuous services are employed to promote the prosperity of the Kings, Nobles, Mimes, Rajahs, and Roys of the provinces of Hindostan, and the chiefs of Aeraun, Turaun, Room, and Shawm, the inhabitants of the seven climates, and all persons travelling by land and by water. This my inclination is notorious, nor can your royal wisdom entertain a doubt thereof. Reflecting therefore on my former services, and your majesty’s condescension, I presume to solicit the royal attention to some circumstances, in which the public as well as private welfare is greatly interested.

“I have been informed that enormous sums have been dissipated in the prosecution of the designs formed against me, your well-wisher; and that you have ordered a tribute to be levied to satisfy the exigencies of your exhausted treasury.

“May it please your majesty, your royal ancestor Mahomed Jelaul ul Deen Akbar, whose throne is now in heaven, conducted the affairs of this empire in equity and firm security for the space of fifty-two years, preserving every tribe of men in ease and happiness, whether they were followers of Jesus or of Moses, of David or Mahomed; were they Brahmins, were they of the sect of Dharians, which denies the eternity of matter, or of that which ascribes the existence of the world to chance, they all equally enjoyed his countenance and favour: insomuch that his people, in gratitude for the indiscriminate protection he afforded them, distinguished him by the appellation of Juggut Gooroo (Guardian of Mankind).

“His majesty Mahomed Noor ul Deer Jehangheer, likewise, whose dwelling is now in paradise, extended, for a period of twenty-two years, the shadow of his protection over the heads of his people; successful by a constant fidelity to his allies, and a vigorous exertion of his arm in business.

“Nor less did the illustrious Shah Jehan, by a propitious reign of thirty-two years, acquire to himself immortal reputation, the glorious reward of clemency and virtue.

“Such were the benevolent inclinations of your ancestors. Whilst they pursued these great and generous principles, wheresoever they directed their steps, conquest and prosperity went before them; and then they reduced many countries and fortresses to their obedience. During your majesty’s reign, many have been alienated from the empire, and farther loss of territory must necessarily follow, since devastation and rapine now universally prevail without restraint. Your subjects are trampled under foot, and every province of your empire is impoverished; depopulation spreads, and difficulties accumulate. When indigence has reached the habitation of the sovereign and his princes, what can be the condition of the nobles? As to the soldiery, they are in murmurs; the merchants complaining, the Mahomedans discontented, the Hindoos destitute, and multitudes of people, wretched even to the want of their nightly meal, are beating their heads throughout the day in rage and desperation.

“How can the dignity of the sovereign be preserved who employs his power in exacting heavy tributes from a people thus miserably reduced? At this juncture it is told from east to west, that the emperor of Hindostan, jealous of the poor Hindoo devotee, will exact a tribute from Brahmins, Sanorahs, Joghics, Berawghies, Sanyasees; that, regardless of the illustrious honour of his Timurean race, he condescends to exercise his power over the solitary inoffensive anchoret. If your majesty places any faith in those books, by distinction called divine, you will there be instructed that God is the God of all mankind, not the God of Mahomedans alone. The Pagan and the Mussulman are equally in His presence. Distinctions of colour are of His ordination. It is He who gives existence. In your temples, to His name the voice is raised in prayer; in a house of images, where the bell is shaken, still He is the object of adoration. To vilify the religion or customs of other men is to set at naught the pleasure of the Almighty. When we deface a picture, we naturally incur the resentment of the painter; and justly has the poet said, presume not to arraign or scrutinize the various works of power divine.

“In fine, the tribute you demand from the Hindoos is repugnant to justice: it is equally foreign from good policy, as it must impoverish the country: moreover, it is an innovation and an infringement of the laws of Hindostan. But if zeal for your own religion hath induced you to determine upon this measure, the demand ought, by the rules of equity, to have been made first upon Ramsing, who is esteemed the principal amongst the Hindoos. Then let your well-wisher be called upon, with whom you will have less difficulty to encounter; but to torment ants and flies is unworthy of an heroic or generous mind. It is wonderful that the ministers of your government should have neglected to instruct your majesty in the rules of rectitude and honour.”

1254. It is well known that Aurangzeb forbade the continuation of the history of his life, subsequent to that portion comprehending the first ten years [the Alamgirnama; see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 302].

1255. The epithet by which these Tatar sovereigns affected to call the indigenous (bhumia) princes.

1256. There were no such field trains in Europe as those of the Moguls. Seventy pieces of heavy ordnance, sixty of horse artillery, and a dromedary corps three hundred strong, mounting swivels, accompanied the emperor on an excursion to Kashmir. Bernier, who gives this detail, describes what he saw [217 f.].

1257. [For this campaign see the account in Jadunath Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib, iii, 365 ff.]

1258. Pal is the local term for these long defiles, the residence of the mountaineers: their chiefs are called Indras, Pati, in Bhakha, Pat.

1259. Chief of the Hindus.

1260. [In the text “Tyber” Khan. His original name was Jan Beg, also known as Badshah Kuli Khan, one of Aurangzeb’s great nobles (Manucci ii. 239, note 3, 247, note). His tragical end is told later on.]

1261. The Saktawat leader, Gharibdas, has the merit of having prompted this plan. His speech on the advance of Aurangzeb is given in the Annals; and his advice, “Let the king have free entrance through the passes, shut him in, and make famine his foe,” was literally followed, with the hard knocks, which being a matter-of-course accompaniment, the gallant Saktawat deemed it unnecessary to specify.

1262. Orme, who has many valuable historical details of this period, makes Aurangzeb in person to have been in the predicament assigned by the annals to his son, and to have escaped from the operation of those high and gallant sentiments of the Rajput, which make him no match for a wily adversary.

“In the meantime Aurengzebe was carrying on the war against the Rana of Cheetore, and the Raja of Marwar, who on the approach of his army at the end of the preceding year, 1678, had abandoned the accessible country, and drew their herds and inhabitants into the vallies, within the mountains; the army advanced amongst the defiles with incredible labour, and with so little intelligence, that the division which moved with Aurengzebe himself was unexpectedly stopped by insuperable defences and precipices in front; whilst the Rajpoots in one night closed the streights in his rear, by felling the overhanging trees; and from their stations above prevented all endeavours of the troops, either within or without, from removing the obstacle. Udeperri, the favourite and Circassian wife of Aurengzebe, accompanied him in this arduous war, and with her retinue and escort was enclosed in another part of the mountains; her conductors, dreading to expose her person to danger or public view, surrendered. She was carried to the Rana, who received her with homage and every attention. Meanwhile the emperor himself might have perished by famine, of which the Rana let him see the risque, by a confinement of two days; when he ordered his Rajpoots to withdraw from their stations, and suffer the way to be cleared. As soon as Aurengzebe was out of danger, the Rana sent back his wife, accompanied by a chosen escort, who only requested in return that he would refrain from destroying the sacred animals of their religion which might still be left in the plains; but Aurengzebe, who believed in no virtue but self-interest, imputed the generosity and forbearance of the Rana. to the fear of future vengeance, and continued the war. Soon after he was again well-nigh enclosed in the mountains. This second experience of difficulties beyond his age and constitution, and the arrival of his sons, Azim and Acbar, determined him not to expose himself any longer in the field, but to leave its operations to their conduct, superintended by his own instructions from Azmir; to which city he retired with the households of his family, the officers of his court, and his bodyguard of four thousand men, dividing the army between his two sons, who each had brought a considerable body of troops from their respective governments. They continued the war each in a different part of the country, and neither at the end of the year had forced the ultimate passes of the mountains” [Historical Fragments, 119 f.).

1263. [Dilir Khan, otherwise Jalal Khan Daudzai, died at Aurangabad, 1682–83 (Manucci i. 243). Grant Duff speaks highly of his services in the Deccan (145 f.).]

1264. Chief of Rupnagar.

1265. Chief of Ghanerao, in Godwar, now alienated from Mewar.

1266. [Some name is wanting here.]

1267. [Siddhpur, a famous place of pilgrimage in Baroda State (IGI, xxii. 358 f.); Modasa, fifty-two miles north-east of Ahmadabad (BG, vi. 346).]

1268. Mokham and Ganga Saktawats, Ratan Chondawat of Salumbar, Chandrasen Jhala of Sadri, Sabal Singh Chauhan of Bedla, Berisal Punwar of Bijolia. Four of the chiefs made speeches on the eve preceding the battle, which are recorded in the Chronicle.

1269. [For Akbar’s rebellion see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 402 ff.; Elliot-Dowson vii. 298 ff.; Manucci if. 243 ff.]

1270. A portrait of this Rather hero was given to the author of the present work by his descendants. He was chief of Dunara, on the Luni. He saved his young sovereign’s life from the tyrant, and guarded him during a long minority, heading the Rathors in all the wars for the independence of his country. A bribe of forty thousand gold suns was sent to him by Azam without stipulation, when conveying Akbar out of danger. The object was obvious, yet the Mogul prince dared not even specify his wishes. It is needless to say that Durga spurned the offer. [For the flight of Akbar see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 415 ff.)

1271. [For the attempt of Tahawwar Khan to assassinate Aurangzeb see Manucci ii. 247 ff.; Jadunath Sarkar ii. 411 ff.]

1272. [Palargarh is perhaps Palanpur (IGI, six. 354). Akbar died in Persia, 1706.]

1273. “We are not without hopes that some of the many in India who have the means will supply the portions of information which are deficient in these fragments, and must otherwise always continuo out of our reach. The knowledge is well worth the inquiry; for, besides the magnitude of the events and the energy of the characters which arise within this period, there are no states or powers on the continent of India, with whom our nation have either connection or concern, which do not owe the origin of their present condition to the reign of Aurengzebe, or to its influence on the reigns of his successors” (Orme’s Fragments [Notes i. f.]).

1274. [Orme, Fragments, 150 f.]

1275. “Jawab-sowal [treaty, ‘question – answer’] of Sur Singh (uncle of Rana Raj Singh) and Narhar Bhat with the Emperor.

Panja, or impress of the Emperor’s hand, with the word ‘Manzuri,’ written by himself. Manzuri (‘agreed’).

“Your servants, according to your royal pleasure and summons, have been sent by the Rana to represent what is written underneath. We hope you will agree to these requests, besides others which will be made by Padam Singh.

1. Let Chitor, with the districts adjacent appertaining thereto when it was inhabited, be restored.

2. In such temples and places of Hindu religious resort as have been converted into mosques, the past cannot be recalled, but let this practice be abolished.

3. The aid hitherto afforded to the empire by the Rana shall be continued, but let no additional commands be imposed.

4. The sons and dependants of the deceased Raja Jaswant Singh so soon as enabled to perform their duties, we hope will have their country restored to them*.

“Respect prevents inferior demands. May the splendour of your fortune, like the sun illuminating the world, be for ever increasing and never set.

“The Arzi (requests) of your servants, Sur Singh and Narhar Bhat.”

* S. 1737, A.D. 1681.

1276. It was to defend the rights of the heir of Marwar, as well as to oppose the odious jizya, that the Rana took to arms. Ajit was still under the Rana’s safeguard.

1277. [Orme, Fragments, 217 f. A different story is told by Khali Khan (Elliot-Dowson vii. 334).]

1278. [A common error; Gumati, meaning ‘rich in cattle,’ has no connexion with Hindi ghumna, ‘to twist.’]

1279. Ninety-six lakhs of rupees [Erskine ii. A. 9].

1280. A.D. 1661.

1281. From all I could learn, it was the identical pestilence which has been ravaging India for the last ten years, erroneously called cholera morbus. About thirty-five years ago the same disease carried off multitudes in these countries. Orme [Fragments, 200] gives notice of something similar in A.D. 1684, in the imperial camp near Goa, when five hundred victims daily fell its prey. Mewar was not free from the last visitation of 1818, and the only son of the Rana was the first person attacked.

1282. The three months of rain, termed the Barsat. [Asarh is the month June to July, followed by Sawan and Bhadon.]

1283. The four castes, sacerdotal, military, mercantile, and servile.

1284. From the Raj Vilas, the chronicle of the reign of Raj Singh.

This collection transcribed by Chris Gage
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