DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY -- NAVAL
HISTORICAL CENTER
805 KIDDER BREESE SE -- WASHINGTON NAVY YARD
WASHINGTON DC 20374-5060
CHAPTER VI
THE OPERATION BEGINS
PART 1
DEVELOPMENTS DURING MAY 1944
A. The Naval Assault Forces
-
While the assault forces were rounding off the last
stages of their preparation and training, the High Command
was equally busy completing the last stages of overall
preparation. In April and May, SHAEF, Headquarters 21
A.G. and ANCXF took up their battle headquarters on the
Portsdown Hill just behind Portsmouth and on the coast
directly opposite the "Assault
Area".1
Headquarters A.E.A.F. remained at Stanmore and Uxbridge.
-
NCWTF and NCETF hoisted their flags in their respective
Flagships, U.S.S. Augusta at Plymouth and H.M.S.
Scylla at Portsmouth.2
The assault and follow up forces were then assembled:
-
Force U at Plymouth
-
Force O at Portsmouth
-
Force S at Portsmouth
-
Force G at Southampton
-
Force J in the Isle of Wight area
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Force B in Milford Haven and
-
Force L on the Nore.
-
The large concentration of vessels and craft of all
descriptions taxed the port capacity to the utmost. Bombardment
forces and other large vessels schedule to
arrive after H-hour were pushed further and further out to
the wings until in the end they were assembled in ports of
east and west England, of Scotland, and of North Ireland.
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B. Enemy Reactions
-
This large concentration of assault forces in
the southern ports was expected to provoke enemy
reaction. It had been anticipated that, when the
enemy appreciated the size and nature of the forces
being concentrated against him, he would intensify
to his utmost his efforts to cripple it. Minelaying,
attacks on exercises, bombing and the employment of
V bombs against assembly areas were considered
especially likely. Enemy reaction was, however, slow
and unexpectedly light.
-
Enemy naval activity in the Channel did increase
from the end of April onwards. Force U had been
attacked during exercise TIGER, on 38th April, but the
Germans appear to have been ignorant of the real nature
of their target. Their radio reported merely the
sinking of two cargo vessels in convoy. The following
night H.M.C.S. Athabaskan, which, with H.M.C.S. Haida,
was covering the 10th Minelaying Flotilla operating off
the Ile de Bas, was sunk in an engagement with Elbing
class destroyers. One of the enemy was driven aground
by the Haida.1
The loss of the two L.S.T.s in Lyme
Bay brought into "sharp focus", in the mind of NCWTF,
the risks of attack from German E-Boats. On 28th April
he proposed a pre-D-day bombardment of Cherbourg with
naval forces including Battleships. This proposal
seemed unacceptable to ANCXF for a number of reasons:
-
It would involve unjustifiable risk of bombarding
ships which, if lost or damaged, would reduce forces
allocated to covering the assaults;
-
Security would be endangered as the proposed bombardmant
would indicate the possible locality of the assault;
-
The E-boat menace could be adequately dealt with by
existing weapons, if handled with more efficiency
and altertness.
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-
The number of E and R-boats reported to be
operating from Cherbourg and Le Havre increased
regularly during May. Prior to May 20th, no submarines
were known to be operating in the Channel,
but on that date a U-Boat was sighted and attacked in
the area between Ushant and Guernsey (49° 01'N, 4°09' W)
and on the following night another U-boat was sighted
in the Channel area. C's-in-C Portsmouth, Plymouth
and Coastal Command accordingly put into force special
defensive measures to preclude any sustained movement
against NEPTUNE convoy routes.
-
In the six weeks before D-day, the enemy intensified
his minelaying program off the South Coast of England,
using aircraft on a larger scale than for over two years.
He also employed two new types of mines. Minelaying was,
however, confined to moonless periods. As the last week
before invasion was in the new moon period, the mines laid
were not beyond tha capabillties of the minesweeping resources
of the Home Commands. "Had D-day been in such a
period it is doubtful whether the Portsmouth channels could
have been cleared in time. As it was, no interruption was
caused and it was considered that the enemy missed a great
opportunity in not still further extending this form of
attack. That he did not attempt more was yet another
result of the air auperiority we achieved before D-day."1
Toward the end of May, some aircraft minelaying was combined
with small scale night bombing attacks on south
coast ports, but very few casualties were caused either
to ships or personnel.
-
The reasons for the German failure to react more
effectively have been attributed to a number of causes:
- The effectiveness with which the allied air forces
denied enemy air reconnaissance opportunities to
observe preparations;
- Security measures which prevented serious leakages
of information;
- Deception measures which confused his estimates of
the situation and overcame the possible reports of agents;
- The constant protection afforded by allied naval and
air forces;
- The fact that by that stage of the war German air
and naval capabilities had been reduced to inadequacy.
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C. Promulgation of Operating Orders
-
On 24th April, ANCXF issued his operation orders.
These were called Naval Order, Operation NEPTUNE (short
title ON's), The ON's amounted to a total of 700
printed foolscap pages. The Administrative orders,
ONAD's, required 100 more pages while ONCO's (Operation
NEPTUNE Communication Orders) totalled another 200 pages.
These orders, all together, made a book three inches
thick. NCWTF, whose orders to the Western Task Force,
ONWEST, were only 2½ inches thick,1
was a little critical
of the volume and detail of the ON's. The ON's were so
arranged, however, that the parts concerning any one ship
or command were comparatively small, and the large volume
of orders, therefore, have caused no real difficulty.
- The issuance of such a mass of orders at so late a
date might very well have proved confusing. In anticipation
of this difficulty ANCXF, since his first appointment,
had made it an invariable policy to circulate all
his plans and intentions as soon as they were known. A
series of Planning Memoranda (XFPM issued from time to
time from 27 November 1943 to the end of April 1944), the
NEPTUNE NAVAL Plan (issued 18 February) and the ANCXF
provisional orders (PON's issued 2 April) had been issued
concurrently with planning developments. Hence the ON's,
when issued 24 April 1944, contained no surprises and
required no important action to be taken that was not already
known.
-
Both ANCXF and NCWTF have commented in their reports
on the fact that ON's dealt in detail with many matters,
which in U.S. Naval practice, would normally be left to
Force, or even Group commanders. ANCXF has pointed out
that he had no desire to interfere with matters properly
within the competence of lower echelons, but that the
peculiarities of the situation in NEPTUNE, in which
thousands of ships were to move in congested waters, using
inadequate port facilities, and executing a closely integrated
operation, required that all details should be carefully
coordinated. To achive this required coordination, while
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at the same time leaving his commanders as free a hand
as possible, ANCXF employed the following methods:
-
He early stated his requiremensts and proposals
in his planning memoranda;
-
Lower echelons were directed to submit objections
and detailed plans;
-
Differences were ironed out at conferences;
-
Revised Planning Memoranda were circulated incorporating
changes and details supplied from lower
echelons;
-
The compiled results were incorporated in the
PON's (Provisional ON's);
-
The process of raising objections, settling them in
conference, filling in detail supplied from the
plans of lower commands, was repeated;
-
Finally ON's were issued incorporating all materials
assembled and coordinated in this way.
-
The ON's finally issued were thus in part ANCXF's
directives, and in part an encyclopedic collection of the
detailed plans of subordinate formations, fitted together
so as to produce a coordinated whole.1
While ANCXF did not believe that, under the circumstances, ON's could have
been less detailed, he stated that he should have added a
ship index, in which every commander could have quickly
found, listed under the name of his ship or his command all
sections of ON's of direct concern to him. No sooner were
the ON's printed than a vast flood of ammendments and changes
were proposed. These were due to the late assignment of
additional vessels to NEPTUNE, to changes of H-hour and
D-day, to changes in army and air plans, to proposed improvements
in the naval plans and to the fact that some preparations,
particularly those involving the MULBERRIES, were
falling behind schedule. While such changes were not
confined to ON's, their comprehensive nature necessarily led
to more amendments than were required for other Naval orders.
--385--
-
The prospect of thousands of ships and authorities
opening their orders on the eve of D day, only to find a
voluminous book with a mass of later corrections to be
made, before each commanding officer could learn exactly
what was required of him created grave concern. ANCXF
therefore gave notice on 9 May that all plans and orders
would be frozen as of 0900 on 12 May, after which date no
further alterations in plans and orders would be allowed.
D. Security Problems and Measures
-
The problem of security was particularly acute during
the last month. When ON's and other orders were issued on
24 April 1944, they were distributed in sealed envelopes,
not to be opened until so ordered.1
Senior commands which
required information immediately were, however, authorized
to open and study their copies. The day before ON's were
to be generally opened and studied, SCAEF directed the
impounding of private correspondence and the prohibition of
private use of telephone and telegraph. All personel,
army and navy, were "sealed" on their ships. Not until
then were they "briefed" on their tasks and duties in the
forthcoming operation.2
-
To obviate security risks that might result, if a large
number of press correspondents disappeared suddenly from
their usual haunts when mobilised shortly before D-day, a
practice mobilization took place on 22 May. Approximately
80 correspondents, who were to be attached to the assault
forces, were collected, briefed on the need of security and
sent by road to their respective ships for about 24 hours.
When they disappeared again, just prior to D-day, the event
could not provide precise information as the same thing had
happened before.
-
Despite all precautions, some security breaches did
occur. On 31 May, charts of the Bay of the Seine were
prematurely issued to tugs. To avoid suggesting to the
tug masters the exact area of the intended assault, they
were subsequently issued with IMMEDIATE TOP SECRET charts
of the Boulogne area. On 26 May and again on 29 May,
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NCWTF issued despatches of comparatively wide distribution,
from which it could be readily inferred that D-day was to
be during the first week in June.1
A curious point on
security arose on 22 May when the London Daily Telegraph
produced a cross word puzzle for which a remarkable number
of NEPTUNE code words' formed the correct answer to clues.2
While there were other security breaches, mostly caused by
indiscreet talk with "un-bigotted" persons, the secret was
kept. The arrival of allied forces off the Normandy beaches
came as a surprise to the defenders.
E. Command Questions
-
During the last month the planned evolution of command
proceeded according to schedule, except for two unexpected
developments. The French Admiral d'Argenlieu, commanding
all French Naval forces in British waters raised the question
on May 17 1944 of having a French Naval Command, both over
French ships taking part in NEPTUNE and over French Waters
and Ports after the landings. Admiralty also "directed" on
the same day that Rear-Admiral Jaujard, who had just arrived
from the Mediterranean for this assignment, should assume
command of the French division of Cruisers included in the
Expeditionary Force. Neither ANCXF nor NCWTF, to whose
force the cruisers had been assigned, had any operational
requirement for such an appointment. On the understanding
that Rear Admiral Jaujard should not, by virtue of his
seniority, be considered to be interposed in the chain of
command in the Western Task Force, he hoisted his flag in
the Montcalm with the intention of transferring to the
Georges Leygues at a later date.
-
The next day, 18 May, Rear Admiral Bieri, U.S.N. arrived
from Washington with orders attaching him to the
staff of ANCXF. As no operational requirement for such
an appointment then existed, ANCXF did not wish, on the
eve of operations, to disturb staff arrangements already
completed and functioning smoothly. Rear Admiral Bieri
was therefore attached to the ANCXF future planning section
at SHAEF, witht the title of Deputy Chief of Staff (U.S.).
--387--
F. Questions of Air-Navy Coordination
-
Naval authorities had experienced considerable
difficulty throughout the entire planning period,
through delays in obtaining from the Air Force
detailed information regarding:
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Fighter protection
-
The routing of airborne forces, and
-
The air bombardment program.1
-
The air plan, finally received on 12 May 1944,
indicated that, contrary to previous understandings,
the air force would not provide individual protection
to naval units in any part of the assault area. At a
meeting on May l6th, C-in-C AEAF explained that air
protection was to be organized over the entire channel
area on the principle of "unity of
operation".2
AEAF also proposed for the first time that an aircraft corridor
should be established, in which Naval AA gunfire
would be prohibited. This corridor, to be used by the
airborne division attacking Caen, passed directly over
the Force S lowering position and beach. A route
farther to the eastward would have brought the aircraft
over the strong German AA defenses of Le Havre. Admiral
Ramsay agreed to the restriction of Naval AA fire provided:
-
The corridor was moved so as not to be directly above
the naval anchorages, and
-
That Naval AA fire need not he restrained if the
allied air movement coincided with an enemy air
attack.3
--388--
-
When enemy troop movements on the Cotentin Peninsula
on 26 May, the U.S. Air Force proposed to route the U.S.
troop carrier air forces directly over Utah Beach and
Force U anchorages, and to impose restrictions on Naval
AA fire in that area. NC Force U and NCWTF protested
strongly, but ANCXF decided that, the restrictions would
have to be accepted, in the interest of the operation as
a whole, provided the route were not directly above naval
forces. It was almost impossible at that late date to
inform the multitude of ships and craft affected, or to
establish adequate measures of AA fire discipline".
-
Restrictions of air attack on enemy surface ships in
the Channel, to westward of a line from North Foreland to
Walcheren Fort (near Dunkirk), was imposed 27 May, on all
aircraft except those of Coastal Command. The restriction
did not at first apply to a 10 mile strip off the
French coast where enemy vessels were still plying. But
on 29 May this area was also
closed.1
-
Another air problem was created by the Army's perplexity
on how to take their air observation posts (these were
tiny aircraft, Ansters and Piper Cubs used to assist in
spotting for artillery) to France. On 5th May, and again
on 28th May, the U.S. Army requested SCAEF to provide a
naval aircraft carrier to ferry them over. Admiralty made
H.M.S. Argus available for this purpose, but on 31 May the
Army cancelled the requests, to the great relief of ANCXF
who did not relish the prospect of a large and very
vulnerable ship in the assault area. In the event, these
small craft flew the Channel without difficulty, being led
by a British Fleet Air Arm Walrus to their destinations.
G. MULBERRY Problems: Tug Shortage
-
It became increasingly apparent throughout April and
May that the MULBERRY program was falling behind schedule.
Not only had there been delay in delivery of units, but
the towing shackles on the MULBERRY units were poorly located,
of a construction too light to stand the strain of towing,
and towing gear had not been provided. All the riggers in
the Chatham dockyards, when put to rectifying these deficiencies,
managed to have the first units ready to sail by D-day.
The place for assembly of MULBERRY
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units, in readiness for towing across the channel, also
caused concern. It was decided to "park" them by
sinking them in shallow water near Selsey Bill, Dungeness,
Peel Bank and Portland.1
Parking operations rapidly revealed:
-
That the intake valves were too small to allow
units to be sunk rapidly enough to be positioned accurately,
and
-
That the pumping gear supplied by the War Office to
refloat parked units was inadequate for this purpose,
which made it necessary to seek a partial remedy for
this difficulty by diverting salvage vessels to
pumping out PHOENIX.2
-
The most acute MULBERRY problem was the tug shortage,
which was never satisfactorily remedied. The target date
for completing MULBERRY had, as a result, to be postponed.
A special body, known as COTUG, was organized on the 24th
May under ANCXF to deal with all NEPTUNE tug problems.
There were not enough tugs in the country, however, to
satisfy all Civil, Naval and Military demands for their
services. As late as 31st May only 48 out of 72 large,
and only 4 out of 44 small tugs allocated for towage of
PHOENIX and WHALE units were available. On that date
Admiral Ramsay directed that "the principle, that MULBERRY
and construction constituted a vital part of the whole
operation, must govern decisions as to the extent that tug
assistance could be provided for other purposes".
H. Visits of Important Personages
-
The expeditionary forces were honored by a great many
visits of Very Important Persons during the last month
before sailing. Mr. Churchill and the Dominion Prime
Ministers (excluding the Prime Minister of Australia) were
shown NEPTUNE preparations in the Solent area on 13 May.
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"On 15 May a meeting took place at 21 Army Group
headquarters at which a general outline of the
complete NEPTUNE plan was presented by each of the
respective Commanders-in-Chief and the Task Force
Commanders. Included in the audience were H.M.
The King, the Prime Minister and General Smuts.
Each of them addressed the assembled senior
officers, of the three services concerned with the
planning and execution of the NEPTUNE Operation.
ANCXF outlined the Naval plan, while NCETF and
NCWTF added details as to their respective forces.
Army and Air Force Commanders-in-Chief and Force
Commanders also described their plans and intentions.
The Supreme Commander himself summed up the main
features of the Operation. Great if sober confidence
in the outcome of the Operation was evident
throughout the meeting. The need for flexibility
to meet events which might not go in accord with
plans was emphasized by both Prime Minister and
ANCXF."1
-
On 24th May H.M. The King visited the Portsmouth
area. After being met by Admiral Ramsay, he embarked
in each of the three Force Headquarters ships of the
Eastern Task Force, and witnessed Assault Landing Craft
Flotillas steam past in formation. His Majesty afterwards
embarked in the Royal Barge and proceeded past
major landing Craft assemblies at Portsmouth and Southampton,
and Coastal Craft in Haslar Creek. The next
day His Majesty visited Portland, where he was met by
Rear Admirals Kirk and Hall, USN, and inspected ships
and personnel of the Western Task Force, taking luncheon
on board the Flagship, U.S.S. Augusta.
-
On May 21st, the First Lord of the Admiralty, Mr.
A. V. Alexander, and on June 4th the First Sea Lord,
Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew Browne Cunningham, paid
ANCXF visits at Southwick House. Mr. Churchill and
Field Marshall Smuts employed June 4th watching the E.T.F.
loading.
--391--
PART 2
DESIGNATION AND POSTPONEMENT OF D-DAY
A. 5 June Designated as D-Day.
-
With the approach of the invasion target date
(May 31), a definite decision on D-day and H-hour, was
required. No single question had been discussed more
often. Until obstructions were discovered on the
beaches, the number of days when an acceptable combination
of tidal and light conditions would obtain was not
severely limited. Confirmation of the existence of
such beach obstacles required a re-examination of the
question of the timing of the initial assault. At a Meeting
held at Supreme Headquarters on 1 May, the situation
created by the extension of obstacles was discussed. It
was decided that they must be dealt with dry shod in
areas in which they stood in less than two feet if water.1
This necessitated the adjustment of H-hour, which in turn
required the fixing of a target date for D-day. After
some days' consideration, Admiral Ramsay decided:
-
That five different H-hours would have to be accepted,
one for each assault force;
-
That the earliest acceptable dates for the assault
from the Naval point of view, were the 5th and 6th June, and,
-
That the 7th June could be accepted in case of extreme
necessity. General Eisenhower was informed of these
conclusions at a meeting on 8 May.
-
The Supreme Commander, on 23 May, signaled his
decision in special code that D-day was provisionally fixed
for 5 June,2
At 2330, 25 May, all holders of ON's were
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directed to open their operation orders and to "execute
operation NEPTUNE". Contrary to original intentions the
nomination of D-day and H-hour was withheld in order to
avoid announcing the newly decided five differing H-hours
until after the orders had been read and understood.
Three days later, at 1800 on 28 May ANCXF signalled that
D-day was fixed for the 5th and that H-hour for respective
assault forces would be:
Force 0 | 0610 |
Force U | 0600 |
Forces S and G | 0645 |
Force J, right sector | 0655 |
Force J, left sector1
| 0705 |
B. NEPTUNE Forces in Movement
-
The naming of D-day and H-hour, with the previous
order to "carry out Operation NEPTUNE" was the executive
signal which started all the intricate action and
movements detailed in ON's. It was intended that no
further despatch would be sent unless weather conditions
forced a postponement of D-day. As the days went by
it became increasingly clear that the long spell of fine
weather was showing signs of breaking up, and that an
unsettled spell was impending. On 29 May, at a
meeting at which the Deputy Supreme Commander (Air Chief
Marshall Tedder) was present, it was decided that
Commanders Meetings to give critical examination to
weather forecasts should be held at ANCXF Battle Headquarters
twice daily from D minus 3 (2nd June) onwards.
Details of movements of forces, in the event of postponement
of D-day were promulgated, on 31 May, amplifying
those contained in the ON's.
-
The first convoys to sail with destinations in the
Assault area left Oban, Scotland, south bound between 0700
and 1030 on the morning of 31 May. These convoys consisted
of 54 CORNCOBS (Block ships to be sunk off the beaches
on D plus l to form breakwaters). They sailed
with sealed orders and under the impression that they were
going only to their "southerly anchorages". Concurrently
the intricate business of loading and final assembly of
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assault forces was proceeding according to plan. The
congestion of all the ports necessitated very careful
timing and movement of craft, both loaded and unloaded.1
The job of loading and assembly had been well practised
and few hitches developed. The overloading of craft
continued, despite restrictive orders to prevent it, and
some time was lost backing unwieldy vehicles onto the
landing vessels. But "the knowledge that they were really
"off at last" acted as a great incentive"2
to all hands,
and the armada was loaded and assembled in good time.
During this most vulnerable period the enemy made no effort
whatever to interfere.
-
At 1200, 1st June 1944, Admiral Sir Bertram Ramsay
assumed operational command of "NEPTUNE" Forces and general
control of operations in the Channel.
C. Weather Intervenes: Postponement of Assault
-
The Supreme Commander's chief concern after June 1
was the weather dilemma. He presided over the first
meeting of the Commanders-In-Chief to consider the weather
forecast at ANCXF Headquarters on the morning of 2 June.
Less favorable conditions were predicted for June 5th,
particularly as regards cloud and cloud base, which was
of special concern to the Air Force, since it would affect
the passage of the Airborne divisions.
-
The first warships to sail for the Assault Area
(Bombarding Force D) weighed anchor from the Clyde in the
evening (2nd June). The two midget submarines X 23 and
--394--
X 20,1
sailed from Portsmouth. H.M.S. Nelson left Scapa for Milford Haven.
-
The weather further deteriorated over night. June
3rd was cloudy, with a westerly wind force 3 to 4 backing
to S.W. and increasing to force 5. The sea was slight,
increasing to moderate, and the cloud base was lowering.
Commanders' meetings were held at 0430 and again at 2130
to consider the weather forecast. Further deterioration
was predicted for 5th June. Though the wind was expected
to increase to force 5 Admiral Ramsay considered that the
Navy would be able to undertake its task if reasonable
protection could be given from the air. Since the conditions
predicted affected the airborne and Air Force
plans more unfavorably than the Naval plan, the Supreme
Commander decided at the evening meeting to await a
possible change in the forecast in the next six hours.
Meanwhile the ships continued to put to sea according to
schedule. W.T.F. Bombarding Forces sailed from Belfast
and the balance of the E.T.F., Bombarding Forces from the
Clyde. Late in the afternoon, the little craft of Force
U, the first of the Assault Force convoys, put to sea from
Dartmouth, Salcombe and Brixham.
-
The Supreme Commander again met with his three
Commanders-in-Chief, at 0415, 4th June, to consider the
weather. The sky was overcast, with the cloud ceiling
low, with a wind of force 6 from the south west. The sea
was moderate but rain was falling. The forecast for the
5th was for an increase of wind and a further deterioration
in cloud conditions. Admiralty promulgated a gale
warning for the Irish Sea (wind force 8). The Supreme
Commander reluctantly decided to postpone the operation
for one day. A general signal ordering the postponement
was promulgated from ANCXF Headquarters at 0515.2
-
Convoys at sea were ordered to reverse their courses,
and to proceed to sheltering anchorages. Those which had
not yet sailed were retained in harbor. The CORNCOB
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convoys were diverted to Poole Bay. The Bombarding
Forces reversed course with the intention of remaining
at sea. Movements generally went in accordance with
the postponement plan, and at 2250 that evening (4th
June), the Commander-in-Chief, Portsmouth, reported all
NEPTUNE convoys anchored, except Group U.2.A., still
under way off Portland where the harbor was too crowded
to permit entry.
-
Group U.2.A. was a very large convoy totaling 138
vessels (77 British LCT, 61 U.S. LCT, 4 escorts and one
rescue tug). It had progressed some distance ahead of
its planned position and apparently did not receive the
postponement signal. At 0900 it was 25 miles to the
southward of St. Catherines Point and still driving south.
Rear-Admiral Moon sent two destroyers to turn the convoy
back, and the Commander-in-Chief, Portsmouth, sent a
Walrus aircraft. By 0948 all the craft had turned to
the northward.1
They were ordered to anchor in Weymouth
Bay and refuel. Great difficulty was experienced in
proceeding westward against the wind, which was then
blowing W.S.W. force 5 to 6, with a short steep sea on
the port bow. It was after midnight before any of the
craft were anchored in the Bay.
-
The two midget submarines, assigned to mark off the
assault beaches, reached their positions at about the
time that the decision to postpone the operation was
taken, when they received the postponement signal, they
submerged according to plan and remained on position for
48 hours until the arrival of the forces on June 6th.
D. The Supreme Commander's Dilemma: 6 June Fixed As D-Day
-
The Supreme Commander held another meeting with his
C-in-C at 2115 on Sunday 4th of June. The existing
weather conditions were bad, typical of December rather
than of June. The meteorological officers believed that
there was a good prospect that the weather would improve
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for 12 hours or so during the morning of the 6th of June.
The conditions predicted for those hours were:- wind
W.S.W., force 5, backing and decreasing slightly but
freshening again in the afternoon of the 6th; the weather
fair with showers and an overcast developing on the 6th;
visibility mainly good; waves six feet in open sea
decreasing slowly; outlook unsettled, with westerly
weather and further deterioration continuing.
-
General Eisenhower, after full consideration of all
factors, decided to proceed with the operation on 6 June.
There was a prospect of poor but possible water on that
day. The weather prospect for the 7th and 8th was worse
than that for the 6th. Two weeks postponement would be
necessary until the next suitable tidal-daybreak combination
if the invasion was not launched on the 6th or 7th.1
Confirmation that D-day was 6th June was therefore signalled to all forces.
-
On the new schedule, H-hour for the 5 forces were to be:
Force U | 0630 |
Force O | 0630 |
Forces G and S | 0725 |
Force J, right sector | 0735 |
Force J, left sector | 0745 |
-
Admiral Ramsay summarized the situation, on this evening
of June the 4th, as follows:
"On this day, the preparatory period of Operation
NEPTUNE may be considered concluded, with the
following brief picture of the situation:--
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Naval and Military assault and invasion forces
had been assembled with all material that could
be made available.
--397--
-
Naval orders had been promulgated to the utmost
foreseeable detail, and plans completed, with
the exception of certain details concerned with
Air Force intentions, which had to be signalled
to ships and craft after they had sailed for the
assault.
-
Assault ships and craft were loading, or preparing
to load, at every available berth where
facilities existed from the Thames around the
South Coast to the Bristol Channel. A broad
dividing line between the Allied forces was at
Poole; U.S. ships and personnel of Force O
and U were being loaded in ports to the west of
Poole while British ships and personnel were
loading in that port and to the eastward. The
assembly of the bombarding forces was complete.
-
No serious interference with preparations had
been effected by the enemy.
-
Air Force Authorities had reported successful
attacks on the targets (especially enemy Radar
Stations) of naval interest specified by ANCXF
and these attacks were continuing.
-
The enemy was aware (though imperfectly) that
this unparalleled assembly of shipping was
approaching its climax, and that the state of
preparations for the projected invasion had
reached an advanced stage.
-
No particular sign was discernible that the enemy
had knowledge of the point of attack selected,
but since February their defences in the Bay of
the Seine had gradually been strengthened in
common with all other parts of the coast where
assault was practicable.
-
Major difficulties which had arisen during the
planning and mounting of the project can be
attributed, in nearly every case, to the magnitude
of the operation, creating strained
resources in man-power, material and supplies.
-
Problems of concern still remained in weather
prospects, shortage of tugs, integration with
--398--
Air force plans when finalised, and strain on
communications. There were also additional
problems in connection with MULBERRIES, through
the failure of Army authorities to deliver tows
and stores for WHALES and adequate pumping gear
for PHOENIX units, on which naval salvage gear
had to be utilised.
-
Chief problem of all, however, as the specified
D-day approached was weather and the chances
that suitable conditions for the assault would
exist on 5th June. A long spell of fine weather
had continued through May, but now the Meteorological
Officers found with dismay that the fine
spell showed signs of giving way to more unsettled
conditions. From 1st June onwards any study of
the weather chart could only result in grave
concern both as to the prospects ahead and as to
the difficulties of accurate forecast."
--399--
PART 3
The Assault Movement of NEPTUNE Forces
A. General Outline of the Movement
-
The NEPTUNE assault forces began putting to sea on
the new time table during the morning hours of June 5th.
By evening of that day the vast concourse of ships and
craft were proceeding in accordance with the appointed
program of movement toward the Beaches of Normandy. The
general scheme of NEPTUNE movements, as shown in the
accompanying sketch, may be summarized as follows.1
-
The U.S. assault force "U", carrying elements of the
VII U.S. Army Corps (two regiments of the 4th division),
was loaded at Torquay, Brixham, Dartmouth and
Plymouth, assembled in Torbay, Brixham, Dartmouth and
Salcombe and was routed via the British coastal
channels, cross Channel route "C" 2
swept channels 1 and 2, to the "U" assault area.
-
The U.S. assault force "O", carrying elements of the
V U.S. Army Corps (two regiments of the 1st division,
and two of the 29th division) and certain U.S. Rangers,
was loaded at Portland and Weymouth, assembled at
Portland, Weymouth and Poole and was routed via the
British coastal channels, channel "B", Area Z, cross
Channel route "R", and swept channels 3 and 4, to the
"O" assault area.
-
The R.N. assault force "G", carrying the British
50th Division, was loaded at Southampton, assembled
in Southampton harbor and the Western Solent, and
routed via channel "B".3
-
R.N. assault force "J", carrying the 3rd Canadian
division and certain British commands, was loaded
at Southampton and Portsmouth, assembled in the
Southampton harbor and the Eastern Solent, and routed
via channel "F", area "Z" cross Channel route "U",
swept channels 7 and 8, and thence to the "J" assault
area.
--400--
-
The British assault force "S", carrying the 3rd
British Division, was loaded at Portsmouth, Newhaven
and Shoreham, assembled at Portsmouth, Spithead,
Newhaven and Shoreham, and routed via the British
coastal channels, cross Channel route "J" and swept
Channels 9 and 10, to the "S" assault area.
-
The U.S. follow up force "B", carrying the remaining
regiments of the U.S. 1st and 29th divisions, was
loaded at Falmouth and Plymouth, assembled at Falmouth,
Fowey and Plymouth, and routed via British coastal
channels, channel "C", and the American swept channels
to the "O" and "U" areas, where it was to arrive by
the second tide of D-day.
-
The British follow up force "L", carrying the British
22nd Armoured Brigades and other formations, was
loaded at Tilbury and Felixtowe, assembled at Southend,
Sheerness and Harwich, and sailed via the British
coastal lanes, area "Z", the British cross Channel
lanes, and thence to the British assault areas, to
arrive on the second tide of D-day.
-
The first U.S. build-up convoy (EBP 1), carrying the
preloaded U.S. division and supplies, was loaded and
assembled in the Bristol Channel, sailed via the
British coastal routes, channel "A", area "Z" and the
U.S. cross the Channel routes to the "O" and "U"
sectors, where it was to arrive by the second tide of
D plus 1.
-
The first British build-up convoy (ECT 2), carrying
the preloaded British division, was loaded and
assembled in the Thames estuary, was sailed via the
British coastal channels, area "Z", and the British
cross Channel lanes, to the British assault area,
which it was to reach on the second tide of D plus 1.
B. Composition and Timing of Convoys
-
The timing of NEPTUNE shipping movements was governed
by the army plan of battle. All sailings were scheduled
so as to deliver personnel and cargo on the far shore, at
the times and in the sequence required for the land
--401--
battle 1
The timing of the cross Channel shipping movements
was complicated by the fact that the vessels involved
travelled at widely varying speeds. To standardize
movements, initial convoys were designated as either slow
(5 knots) or fast (12 knots). As each assault force
required vessels of both speeds to accomplish its tasks,
two convoys were formed for each purpose, both convoys
of each "pair" being sailed so that they would arrive
on the other side together and at the appropriate time.2
-
British and American forces followed somewhat different
systems of assault movement. Before leaving English
waters, British forces were formed into 16 or 18 convoys,
or groups, corresponding to the assault formation which
they would assume for the landings. Thus, each assault
group (carrying a Brigade landing team) was sailed from
England in two convoys (a slow and a fast) as a distinct
group, and was not merged in convoy with the other assault
groups of the same assault force.
-
The American Assault and Follow Up Forces on the other
hand, were formed into convoys, in accordance with scheduled
times of arrival by tides. Both Force O and U merged
--402--
Assault Groups into the same two convoys for the cross
Channel passage. On arrival in the assault area, the
convoy formation was dissolved and ships proceeded to their
assault group stations. Within each convoy, however,
vessels were arranged in assault formation. Transition
from convoy formation to the assault formation was accomplished
by having each assault group stop as the convoy
steamed past its assault station.1
-
British assault convoys were sailed so that only the
leading brigades (regimental combat teams) would arrive
in the assault area for H-hour. The supporting brigades
of each division followed, in separate convoys close
behind, in order to arrive in the assault area after the
landing of the leading brigades had begun. All elements
of the assault division were to be introduced, however,
before the second tide of D-day. The follow-up force
brought up a distinct new army division.
-
In the American sector the first two R.C.T. of each
division were brought into the assault area at the same
time. One initiated the attack while the other followed
in over the same beach later on. The third R.C.T. of
each division was not brought into the assault area until,
the second tide of D-day. In fact the last regiments
of the assaulting divisions comprised the bulk of the U.S.
follow-up force. The American program for assault
convoy movements therefore consisted of the sailing of
comparatively few very large convoys, 2
while the British
program provided for sailing large numbers of comparatively
small convoys.
--403--
-
The American forces had been assembled at a large
number of small ports,1
and travelled primarily in
large convoys. It was therefore necessary that they
sortie from their various ports in convoy sections and
rendezvous at sea. The British were able to form up
each convoy in its entirety in the assembly areas.
-
The initial assaults were primarily infantry. But
military vehicles, guns, and special equipment were
required at a very early stage. The first convoys to
arrive, therefore, carried chiefly personnel. Some
military vehicles, guns and equipment were brought up in
the earlier convoys, but the greater part was moved in
by later convoys of each assault force. The accompanying
sketches show the approximate position of convoys at
H-hour, H - 6 and H plus 18.
--404--
C. Routing and Navigation
-
The general plan for routing NEPTUNE convoys was:
-
Convoys should move from their assembly anchorages,
via the permanent swept channels of the British
Coastal Routes, toward Area "Z".
-
At an appropriate point, they were to turn out from
the established channels and proceed to Area "Z",
via routes specially laid out and searched for
NEPTUNE (Channels A, B, F and K).
-
At Area "Z", which was located a few miles off the
British coast and due North of the assault area1
convoys were to turn southward through an area of
searched water known as the SPOUT.2
-
On reaching the German mine barrier they were to
pass into the assault area through ten narrow swept
channels, (channels 1 to 10), which were subsequently
widened until the entire SPOUT was cleared of mines.
-
The increase in the scale of NEPTUNE, from a three to
a five divisional assault, required more room for the
movement of the two new assault forces than was provided
in area "Z". Two additional cross channel routes had
therefore been laid out. (Routes C and V). NEPTUNE
routes are laid out approximately to scale on the
accompanying sketches.3
-
A reliable system of navigation was required to locate
the swept channels in the proper place, and to make sure
that the innumerable NEPTUNE vessels would follow their
assigned courses. No special navigational methods were
--405--
required for the navigation of ships while in the
British coastal channels. A few of the coastal navigation
lights and radar beacons, however, were turned
on for the occasion.1
The special NEPTUNE routes were
marked, at either end and down their center line, with
distinctive buoys. The ten channels through the mine
barrier were marked at either end, at the elbows and
along the eastern edge, by a series of dan buoys. The
transport areas were similarly marked.
-
In addition to the normal navigational methods, a
number of electronic navigational aids were employed:
-
On D minus 6, ten sonic underwater buoys were
laid at the northern end of the 10 approach channels.
These were laid sonically dead to come alive on D
minus l. They would then be used by H.D.M.L's
acting as marker buoys, to enable the minesweepers
to start sweeping the approach channels in the
correct positions.2
-
All key buoys were equipped with special radar
reflectors which gave a distinctive response on
ships radar. Ships were thus able to take bearings
whether they could see the buoys or not.
With SG Radar installed in at least one out of
every six LCI's and above, the reflector buoys
provided a very great safeguard.3
--406--
-
The majority of convoys were provided with special
navigational leaders equipped with "QH" and "QM".1
This enabled them to determine their position to a
high degree of accuracy in any sort of weather.
-
Radar stations on the British shore maintained close
watch on the channel area. The position of all
ships and convoys were plotted on central plotting
charts. C-in-C Portsmouth was thus able to discover
at once if any ship or convoy was departing from its
scheduled route, and to correct its position by a
suitable radio message.
D. The Assault Forces Reach the Beaches
-
The entire vast program of assault movements proceeded
basically according to schedule and along the
established routes without serious deviation. Some
mistakes, however, were made:
-
Four groups of Force J, and one group of Force S,
proceeded down channels to the westward of the
correct ones. When this was discovered, before
the groups reached the lowering positions, they
cut across unswept waters to their proper positions.
No casualties from mines were sustained, however,
and all reached their appointed positions in time
to assault as scheduled, except a few LCT of
--407--
Assault Group J-1.1
-
The tail of convoy O.2 (which was a very long
convoy) drifted eastward down wind and down tide,
across unswept waters, and into channel 5, where
Group G1 was pushed out. When the tide turned,
the tail of convoy O.2 drifted off course the
other way.2
-
Vessels of Convoy U 2 were likewise set to the
westward by the strong tide and got into channel
3 where they disturbed the progress of convoy O.1.3
-
The waves of assaulting craft were aided, in finding
the appointed beaches and the touching down at the right
spot, by special devices in addition to normal navigational
methods. Two X craft (small submarines) marked the
approaches to beaches Sword and Juno. It was very
important that Force S should not hit too far to the eastward.
The coast in Force J's sector was not distinctive
in outline. These craft, which sailed on the night of
2nd - 3rd June, being towed part way, were in position to
mark the beaches for the original D-day (June 5th). When
they received the postponement signal, they lay on the
bottom all the ensuing day, and were able to mark the
beaches accurately.
-
Certain MLs were designated navigational leaders, and
fitted with Type 970 Radar. A projector was fitted to
the PPI of this radar, from which a sort of lantern slide
could throw an image on to the PPI scope. Predictions
--408--
were prepared which cast an image on the PPI scope
exactly like that which the radar would show when the
ship was located at a certain spot. When the radar
image and the predicted image were matched the ship
was known to be on the spot indicated. Predictions
were made for points on the line of approach 5,000
yards and 1,500 yards (the line of departure) off shore.
By use of these predictions, the navigational leaders
brought the landing waves and control vessels to the
intended line of departure with great accuracy.
-
The shoreward movement of assault craft was controlled
by primary and secondary control vessels.
These were PC's and SC's, in the case of U.S. Forces,
and ML's and light destroyers, in the case of the
British Forces. Control vessels were equipped, to
find and mark the "line of departure" to beaches, so
that the assaulting craft would be started shoreward
in the right time, place and sequence.
-
Despite all of these preparations, however, both
the primary and secondary control vessels on one battalion
front of Force U became casualties. The U forces
finally landed 1,000 to 1,500 yards south of their
intended point. This proved a fortunate error, however,
since both beach obstacles and land defenses were less
formidable at the point of actual landings.
--409--
Table of Contents
Previous Section **
Next Section
Footnotes:
p.381 #1
ANCXF established his battle headquarters at Southwick
House in Southwick Park on 26 April. Previously the
premises had been an R.N. Navigational School with the
name H.M.S. Dryad. The site was conventiently near the
combined Headquarters Portsmouth at Fort Southwick.
SHAEF and H.Q. 21 A.G. were under canvas in the woods
surrounding Southwick House.
p.381 #2
U.S.S. Augusta arrived at Plymouth on 22 April, and on
the 25th Rear Admiral Kirk (NCWTF) hoisted his flag in her.
p.382 #1
A.N.C.X.F. Report, Vol. I. Page 33.
p.383 #1
ANCXF Report, Vol.1. Page 9.
p.384 #1
By way of comparison ONEAST, NCETF's orders were about 3/8" thick.
p.385 #1
While ANCXF was critical of the detail and volume of ON's,
he evidently found the necessities of the case compelling
same, his own orders are equally voluminous and even more
detailed. In fact he followed the similar procedure of
having subordinates submit their intentions, of coordinating
them, and then incorporating the results in his orders, ONWEST
p.386 #1
Unofficial reports have it that the staff of ANCXF concocted
a document entitled "Naval Orders Operation OVERBOARD.
American stupid equals British Most Stupid. These orders
are so secret that they are to be burned before reading".
p.386 #2
Briefed personnel who became sick were sent to "sealed"
hospitals. Despite objections by ANCXF, relatives were
allowed to visit them,
p.387 #1
NCWTF despatches 262345 May 1944 and 291341 May 1944.
p.387 #2
NEPTUNE, OVERLORD, OMAHA, UTAH, MULBERRY, WHALE and several
others. Investigation by Admiralty N.I.D. resulted in the
conclusion that this was purely coincidence.
p.388 #1
ANCXF Report Vol.I, Page 28 Paragraph 27. The production
of firm AEAF plans was probably not expedited by
the CCS delay in deciding on Air Force Command and the
forces to be allotted to the AEAF (See Chapter III).
p.388 #2
ANCXF Report Vol. I, Page 36 Paragraph 30.
p.388 #3
Admiral Ramsay's doubts were based on experience during
the Sicilian invasion when allied Naval AA shot down a
great many allied troop carrier aircraft which passed
over head during an air raid. As predicted the same thing
happened on Sword Beach on the evening of June 7/8.
p.389 #1
See ANCXF Report Vol.1, page 39 Paragraph 52 and Page
42 Paragraph 68.
p.390 #1
These areas were chosen for security reasons, in order to
prevent the Germans from guessing what they were or where
they were going.
p.390 #2
ANCXF Report Vol. 1. Page 35 Paragraph 23.
p.391 #1
ANCXF Report Volume 1, Page 36 Paragraph 29.
p.392 #1
A number of reconnaissance landings, arranged by the
Chief of Combined Operations, were carried out to investigate
the extent of these obstacles. On the night of
17/18th May, two officers failed to return from one of
these missions in the Pas de Calais area.
p.392 #2
As sailing orders to certain units, such as the CORNCOBS
(Blockships) at Oban, had to issued as early as D minus
8, it was necessary to fix D-day provisionally as early as possible.
p.393 #1
The basic H-hour for purpose of sailing and general
timing was in the ETF 0654, in the WTF 0610.
p.394 #1
In his report C-in-C Portsmouth stated:
"It is a commonplace expression to say that an anchorage
is 'full of ships', but in the case of the East and West
Solent with an available area of approximately 22 square
miles in which to anchor ships, it was literally true.
On 18th May the Admiralty offered the Commander-in-Chief,
Portsmouth, the services of H.M.S. Tyne, but it was only
possible to accept her because H.M.S. Warspite was not
being sent to Portsmouth till D-day, which gave one berth
in hand". - Report on Operation "OVERLORD".
p.394 #2
Report of NC Force S contained ANCXF Report Vol.II Paragraphs 8 and 9.
p.395 #1
X23 and X20 were towed by H.M. Trawlers Sapper and Darthema
till in Lat. 50°22'N Long. 0°50'W, when they were slipped
at about 0430, 3rd June. They proceeded under their own
power, dived throughout daylight, 3rd June, surfacing after
dark to cross the enemy mine barrier, and arrived off the
French coast about 0500, 4th June.
p.395 #2
This signal included the revised times of H-hours for 6th June.
p.396 #1
About half an hour later, the 14th Minesweeping flotilla
reported mines in approximately lat. 50°15'N., long. 1°16'W,
(15 miles south of St. Catherines point). This area was in
the route of the Force U convoys. Five mines were cut and
two exploded in the sweep - all of the New German X star type.
p.397 #1
In his Report, Admiral Ramsay said that although the
unfavorable weather caused difficulties and damage to craft
off the beaches later, the advantages gained by surprise
were so striking that the decision of the Supreme Commander
to go on despite the weather was amply justified. "A
postponement of one more day, e.g., till 7th June would, in
the event, have proved disastrous owing to the conditions of
sea off the beaches. The problems arising out of a postponement
of 12 or 14 days to the next suitable period are
too appalling even to contemplate." ANCXF Report Vol. 1
Page 10. The great and utterly unexpected and unpredicted
storm broke on what would have been the afternoon of D-day.
p.400 #1
The broad scheme was not always followed in detail.
Exceptions which are noted elsewhere, were minor.
p.400 #2
The location of these channels are shown on sketch
following.
p.402 #1
As has been seen in Chapter IV the broad outline of the
time table for delivery of army units on the far shore was
as follows: (1) Five divisions were to be delivered on to
five selected beaches in the Bay of the Seine in the assault
formation at, and shortly after, H-hour. (2) Two further
divisions of follow-up troops were to be delivered on the
second tide of D-day. (3) Two more divisions plus military
cargo were to arrive on D-plus 1. (4) Thereafter army
formations were to be delivered at the rate of 1.1/3rd
divisions per day until a total strength of 30 divisions
was reached. (5) After that, the build up was to proceed
at the rate of three or four divisions per month as required.
p.402 #2
Each assault force was provided with two channels through
the mine barrier, one for the slow convoys and one for the
fast. The far end of the slow channel ran along beside
the far end of the fast channel so that at the end of the
run any pair of convoys was matched up side by side.
p.403 #1
The first group to stop had been placed at the rear of
the convoy and so on.
p.403 #2
Convoy O 2 contained 293 vessels. (See NCWTF Report -
in ANCXF Report Vol. III Page 96.
p.404 #1
Force U was loaded in 9 different ports and assembled
over a stretch of coast line some 150 miles long.
Force O was loaded and assembled at 5 ports.
p.405 #1
Area "Z" was a circle of 5 mile radius centered on a point
15 miles south of Nab light at position 50°25', 0°58' W.
p.405 #2
Four channels (channels R, S, T and U) were laid out across
the SPOUT so that the convoys would not intercept one another.
p.405 #3
For the exact definition of Convoy Routes, see ON-17.
p.406 #1
ANCXF Report Vol.1, Page 43 Paragraph 82.
p.406 #2
ANCXF Report Vol.1, Page 42 Paragraph 67.
p.406 #3
See ANCXF (US) Report on Naval Communications in
NEPTUNE, Page 29. See also Chapter V, Section
for installation program on U.S. vessels.
p.407 #1
"QH" consists of three transmitters located at known
positions, each transmitting a pip simultaneously. The
difference in time which the pips from the two transmitters
are received establish a line of points along which
the receiving ship may be located. The difference in
time at which another pair of pips is received establishes
another line along which the receiving ship may be located.
The point at which these two lines intersect, is the location
of the ship. In the cross channel operation, "QH"
was accurate to within 100 yards and "QM" which is a
similar device was accurate to within 50 yards.
p.408 #1
Report of NC force J, and NC Force S.
p.408 #2
Report of NC force G.
p.408 #3
Report of CTF 124 (NC force U) Paragraph 10.
6 July 2005