1939
January 4. President Roosevelt told Congress: "We stand on our historic offer to take counsel with all other nations of the world to the end that aggression among them be terminated, that the race of armaments cease and that commerce be renewed. But the world has grown so small and weapons of attack so swift that no nation can be safe in its will to peace so long as any other single powerful nation refuses to settle its grievances at the council table." The President added: "At the very least, we can and should avoid any action, or any lack of action, which will encourage, assist, or build up an aggressor. We have learned that when we deliberately try to legislate neutrality, our neutrality laws may operate unevenly and unfairly–may actually give aid to an aggressor and deny it to the victim. The instinct of self‑preservation should warn us that we ought not to let that happen any more." Congressional Record [Bound], Vol. 84, pt. 1, Jan. 4, 1939, p. 75.)
January 6. Baron Kiichiro Hiranuma became Premier of Japan. (Prince Konoye resigned Jan. 4. Simonds, Emeny, p. 687.)
Chancellor Hitler told Foreign Minister Joseph Beck of Poland Danzig should return to Germany politically but remain with Poland economically (". . . economically Danzig could not exist without a hinterland: . . . Danzig was German, would always remain German and sooner or later would return to Germany;" the Corridor presented a grave psychological problem for Germany ". . . the connection with the sea was for Poland." Germany would give Poland a definite guarantee of her frontiers on a treaty basis, "if means, could be found to bring about a final settlement of all separate questions on such a common sense footing, . . ." German, No. 200, p. 206.)
January 6. Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop again proposed reunion of Danzig, guarantee of Polish economic interests, extraterritorial connections with East Prussia, and guarantee of all Poland's present possessions. ("As the Führer had already said Germany's prime and unqualified desire was for a final, comprehensive, and generous consolidation of our mutual relations." Ibid., No. 201, p. 208. Cf. offer of Oct. 24, 1938, supra.)
January 14. Prime Minister Chamberlain emphasized to France that Premier Mussolini had promised to withdraw his forces from Spanish territory after a final Franco victory. (France had less faith than the British in promises of Italy. Lee, p. 367.)
175
176 EVENTS
LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
January 15. French Radical Socialist party urged the government to consider the grave danger to France of Italian intervention in Spain. (Premier Blum had urged the necessity of sending food and armaments to Republican Spain. Ibid., p 367.)
Lord Halifax, British Foreign Minister, urged Georges Bonnet, French Foreign Minister, to satisfy some of Italy's claims: port facilities at Djibouti, Suez tolls, status of Italians in Tunis. (Appeasement. Ibid., p. 366.)
January 23. Prime Minister Chamberlain explained British scheme of voluntary national service. ("It is a scheme to make us ready for war . . . we might be forced to take part in a war begun by others, or we might be attacked ourselves if the government of some other country were to think we could not defend ourselves effectively . . . if we wish to protect our civilian population in time of war, we must prepare necessary organization in time of peace." London Times, Jan. 24, 1939, p. 12.)
January 26. Foreign Minister Bonnet announced France would continue her policy of nonintervention in Spain. Cf. Jan. 15, supra. Lee, p. 367.)
Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop again told Foreign Minister Beck of German desires for "the reunion of Danzig with the Reich in return for a guarantee of Poland's economic interests there, and the building of an extra‑territorial motor‑road and railway connection between Germany and her province of East Prussia, for which Germany would make compensation by guaranteeing the German‑Polish frontier." (". . . the allocation of exceedingly valuable sections of severed German territory to Poland, in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles, is regarded by every German, as a great injustice, which only Germany's extreme importance made possible at the time." German, No. 202, p. 209. Cf. Jan. 5, supra.)
January 27. President Roosevelt approved the sale of military plane to France. (Simonds, Emeny, p. 687. Cf. Lee, p. 387.)
German Minister of Agriculture, Walther Darré, said. Germany was ready to risk war if necessary to realize her aims: (After dissolution of Reich League of German Officers as too conservatives aristocratic, and non‑Nazi. Ibid., p. 369.)
January 28. Prime Minister Chamberlain explained pursuit of rearmament. ("We cannot forget that though it takes at least two to make a peace, one can make a war. And until we have come to clear understandings in which all political tension is swept away we must put ourselves in a position to defend ourselves against attack, whether upon our land, our people, or the principles of freedom with which our existence as a democracy is bound up and which to us seems to enshrine the highest attributes of human life and spirit." London Times, Jan. 30, 1939, p. 8. Cf. Lee, p. 369. Cf. Jan. 23, supra.)
January 30. Chancellor Hitler in conciliatory speech said: "Germany has no territorial claims on England and France except the return of her colonies." German, No. 241, p. 257; Germany must export or die. Lee, p. 370.)
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 177
January 31. Prime Minister Chamberlain said British wanted evidence of desire for peace, such as willingness to negotiate arms limitation. (In answer to Chancellor Hitler's speech. Commons, Vol. 343, col. 81.)
February 3. President Roosevelt said American foreign policy was:
"1: We are against any entangling alliances, obviously.
"2. We are in favor of the maintenance of world trade for everybody–all nations–including ourselves.
"3. We are in complete sympathy with any and every effort made to reduce or limit armaments.
"4. As a nation–as American people–we are sympathetic with the peaceful maintenance of political, economic, and social independence of all nations in the world." ("The [foreign] policy has not changed and it is not going to change." State Release 1939, No. 489, p. 99.)
February 4. Dragisha Cvetkovich became Premier of Yugoslavia replacing Milan Stoyadinovich. (The latter was believed to favor the Nazis; the former sought to strengthen the country by solving the Serb‑Croat conflict. Lee, p. 358.)
February 6. Prime Minister‑Chamberlain stated: ". . . the solidarity of interest by which France and this country are, united is such that, any threat to the vital interests of France . . . must evoke the immediate cooperation of this country," (Confirming French statement of Jan. 26 that all forces of Britain would be at disposal of France. Commons, Vol. 343, col. 623. German, No. 267, p. 291.)
February 7. Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop said German foreign policy was to fight bolshevism through the anti‑Comintern Pact and to regain their colonies. (". . . the struggle we have started is merciless. Towards the Soviets, we will remain adamant. We never will come to an understanding with Bolshevist Russia . . . we cannot admit that the riches of the world should be divided between great powers, and even small ones like Belgium or Holland, and that Germany should be completely deprived of them." French, No. 46, p. 55.)
February 10. Poland absolutely refused "to accept the establishment of `a corridor through the Corridor'; neither will she hear of the construction of a railway line which would be the property of Germany or of a motor road with extra‑territorial rights." ("Measures are being planned, which, according to the words of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, are meant to ease and simplify German transit through Pomerania." Ibid., No. 43, p. 52. Cf. Jan. 5, 26, supra.)
February 16. Britain and France qualified renewed adherence to the General Act of Geneva, requiring, obligation to arbitrate disputes, to except those "relating to incidents which may occur in the course of a war in which they are involved." (". . . both Governments desire to ensure themselves a completely free hand in dealing with neutral countries in the event of war, and refuse
178 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
to submit to arbitrating any dispute's arising out of the interpretation of the neutrality laws in general, and out of the regulations governing the conduct of maritime warfare in particular. This attitude of the British and French governments can also be interpreted as a measure directed against the withdrawal of neutral states from the policy of sanctions, and in any case will seriously weaken the position of the neutral states in the event of war." German, No. 244, p. 260.)
February 18. M. V. de Lacroix, French Minister in Prague, wrote to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs that the conditions Germany required to precede their effective guarantee of Czechoslovak frontiers were:
" (1) Complete neutrality of Czechoslovakia.
"(2) The foreign policy of Czechoslovakia must be brought into line with that of the Reich; adhesion to the Anti‑Comintern Pact is deemed advisable.
"(3) Czechoslovakia must immediately leave the League of Nations.
"(4) Drastic reduction of military effectives.
"(5) A part of the gold reserve of Czechoslovakia must be ceded to Germany. A part of the Czechoslovak industries having been ceded, a part of the gold‑reserve must accordingly pass into the hands of Germany.
"(6) The Czechoslovak currency from the Sudeten countries must be exchanged for Czechoslovak raw materials.
"(7) The Czechoslovak markets must be open to the German industries of the Sudeten countries. No new industry may be created in Czechoslovakia if it competes with an industry already existing in Sudetenland.
"(8) Promulgation of anti‑Semitic laws analogous to those of Nuremberg.
"(9) Dismissal of all Czechoslovak Government employees who may have given Germany any ground for complaint.
"(10) The German population of Czechoslovakia must have the right to carry Nazi badges and to fly the National‑Socialist flag." French, No. 48, p. 57. Hitler was planning to take over Bohemia and Moravia. Lee, p. 371.)
France reoccupied territory in East Africa ceded to Italy in 1935. (Because of Italy's denunciation of the Jan. 7, 1935, agreement. Cf. Dec. 17, 1938, supra. Ibid., pp. 364‑370.)
February 19. Polish‑Russian trade agreement signed. (To strengthen Poland. Ibid., p. 359.)
February 22. Prime Minister Chamberlain said British policy was "a policy of peace through strength, which will neglect no opportunity of breaking down suspicions and antagonisms and at the same time will build up steadily and resolutely, with the help of our friends within and without the Empire, a strength so formidable as to maintain our rights and liberties against any who might be rash enough to attack them." (In justifying huge rearmament program. London Times, Feb. 23, 1939, p. 8. Cf. Jan. 28, supra.).
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 179
February 23. Lord Halifax repeated British pledge of Feb. 6. (Because the Axis press cast doubts on its seriousness. Lee, p. 370.)
France and Britain began faint naval maneuvers in the Mediterranean. (Stiffening against Italian threats. Ibid., p. 370.)
February 24. Hungary and Manchukuo signed the Anti‑Comintern Pact. (Axis power politics. Ibid., p. 358.)
February 27. France and Britain recognized the Franco government in Spain. (Because they realized the Loyalist was a lost cause. Ibid., p. 368.)
February 28. Germany said, in answer to British and French query, it could not guarantee Czechoslovak frontiers. (Because conditions within the country and its relations with its neighbors were still far from satisfactory. Ibid., p. 371. Cf. Feb. 18, supra.)
March 4. Polish‑Rumanian defensive alliance renewed. (Against Russia. Ibid., p. 384.)
German Minister to Iran, Smend, reported growing anti-German sentiment in British circles and anti‑German activity: espionage and sabotage. ("The return of Austria to the Reich . . . the solution of the Sudeten German problem . . ." German, No. 245, p. 261.)
March 5. Anti‑Communist National Defense Council replaced the Negrin government in Loyalist Spain. (In belated effort to win honorable terms from General Franco. Lee, p. 368.)
March 6. President Emil Hacha ousted pro‑Nazi from Ruthenian Cabinet. (Because of agitation for greater independence from Czechoslovakia. Lee, p. 372.)
March 8. Leslie Hore-Belisha, British Secretary of War, said, the
Territorial Army was "by a recent Government decision, being prepared, trained and equipped to meet the event of war in a European theatre." ("Conversations between ourselves and the French have not committed us in this respect, but prudent minds should be ready fox any eventuality. If we are involved in war, our contribution and the ways in which we can best make it will not be half‑hearted, nor upon any theory of limited liability." Commons, Vol. 344, cols. 2171, 2181‑2182.)
March 10. President Hacha dismissed President Joseph Tiso and the Slovak Cabinet, declared martial law in many towns, arrested certain leaders of the Separatist movement, disbanded the Hlinka Guards, an autonomist organization; entrusted the new government to Joseph Sivak. (Czechs rejected Slovak proposal for a confederation of states because it did not afford sufficient guarantees and involved serious risks for the future; the Slovaks declared for resistance; Czechs wished to be ready for any contingency. French, No. 52, 53, pp 61 f.) Tiso reported to have appealed to Germany for help. (Ibid., p. 62.)
180 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
Joseph Stalin in Russian policy statement denounced nonintervention, announced maintenance of peace and furthering of business relations with all nations, good‑neighbor policy, support for victims of aggression, self‑defense. (Predicted second imperialist war. Lee, p. 395.)
March 11. M. Coulondre, French Ambassador in Berlin, indicated in a note to the French Foreign Minister that Germany had responded to the Tiso appeal by military preparation for troop movements. (French, No. 55, p. 63. Cf. Mar. 10. supra.)
March 13. Germany presented ultimatum to Czechoslovakia. (To demand dismissal of several ministers suspected of being anti-Nazi. Ibid., No. 61, p. 67; No. 63, p. 68. Cf. Mar. 6, 10, supra.)
March 14. The autonomous Slovak and Ruthenian Diets proclaimed their independence and appealed to Germany and Italy for protection; Hungarian troops crossed Carpatho‑Ukraine [Ruthenian] frontier; Hungary sent ultimatum demanding withdrawal of Czech troops from Ruthenia; German troops concentrated around Bohemia and Moravia and occupied Moravská-Ostrava. (Outcome of pressure from Berlin. Ibid., Nos. 65, 66, pp. 69‑75; No. 79, p. 90. Cf. Mar. 6, 10, 11, 13, supra.)
Prime Minister Chamberlain said British‑French Munich guarantee against aggression did not apply. (No aggression had yet taken place. Commons, Vol. 345., col. 223. Lee, p. 373.)
March 14‑15. President Hacha signed agreement making Bohemia and Moravia a protectorate of Germany; Czech gold reserves and foreign currency were to be claimed by Reich; German troops occupied the Czech territory. ("The Führer made it known from the beginning that his decision had been taken, and that anyone who opposed it would be crushed." French, Nos. 67‑69, pp. 75‑77. ". . . the aim of all their efforts ought to be to ensure tranquility, order, and peace in this part of Central Europe. The President of the Czechoslovak State has declared that to serve this purpose, and with the object of securing a final appeasement, . . . whoever tried to resist would be `trodden underfoot.' " Ibid., No. 77, p. 88.)
March 15. Prime Minister Chamberlain said the Slovak declaration of independence absolved Britain from obligation to guarantee Czech frontiers. ("The effect of this declaration put an end by internal disruption to the state whose frontiers we had proposed to guarantee. . . ." Commons, Vol. 345, col. 437. German, No. 259, p. 279.)
March 16. Germany issued necessary decree establishing protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. (State Release 1939, No. 495, pp. 220 f.)
Hungary formally annexed Ruthenia [Carpatho‑Ukraine]. (Lee, p. 373.)
Prune Minister Chamberlain said British‑French Munich guarantee was not in force. (It had not been ratified. Ibid., p. 373. Cf. Mar. 14, 15, supra.)
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 181
Federation of British Industries signed cartel agreement with German firms. (Economic appeasement. Ibid., 371.)
Chancellor Hitler assumed protection of Slovakia. (Ibid., p. 373.) .
March 17. London Conference of Arabs and Jews on Palestine adjourned without agreement. (Rejected all British proposals. Ibid., p. 380.)
Prime Minister Chamberlain ended appeasement by denouncing Chancellor Hitler's broken fledges and warned against possible domination of the world by force. (". . . there is hardly anything I would not sacrifice for peace. But there, is one thing that I must except, and that is the liberty that we have enjoyed for hundreds of years, and which we will never surrender . . . no greater mistake could be made than to suppose that, because it believes war to be a senseless and cruel thug, this nation has so lost its fibre that it will not take part to the utmost of its power in resisting such a challenge if it ever were made." British,. No. 9, pp. 12 f. Cf. Mar. 14, 15, 16, supra.)
March 18. France and Britain and Russia protested illegality of German annexation of Bohemia and Moravia. (Breach of Munich agreement; Hitler had broken solemn pledge to Czechoslovakia to protect and respect its independence. French, No. 78, p. 89; Lee, p. 373. Cf. Sept, 29, 30, 1938, supra.)
Russia protested German annexation of Czechia and modification of statute of Slovakia. ("The Government of the U. S. S. R. cannot recognize the incorporation of Czechia in the Reich, nor that of Slovakia in one form or another, as legal or as in conformity with the generally accepted rules of international law, or with justice, or with the principle of self-determination. Not only does the German Government's action not avert any of the dangers threatening world peace taut it actually tends to multiply them, to disturb the political stability of Central Europe, to increase the causes of anxiety already existing in Europe, and, finally, to deal a new blow to the feeling of security of nations.' " French, No. 82, p. 97.)
March 19. French Senate adopted special powers bill authorizing the Cabinet to rule by decree until Nov. 30. (Because of general. state of uneasiness. Lee, p. 379.)
March 20. Lord Halifax confirmed change in. British policy. ("But if and when it becomes plain to States that there is no apparent guarantee against successive attacks directed in turn on all who might seem to stand in the way of ambitious schemes of domination, then at once the scale tips the other way; and in all quarters there is likely immediately to be found a very much greater readiness to consider whether the acceptance of wider mutual obligations, in the cause of mutual support, is not dictated, if for no other reason than by the necessity of self‑defense. His Majesty's Government have not failed to draw the moral from these events, and have lost no time in placing themselves in close and practical consultation, not only with the Dominions, but with other Governments concerned, upon the issues that have
182 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
suddenly been made so plain." British, No. 10, p. 22; German, No. 271, pp. 293 f. Cf. Mar. 17, supra.)
The United States refused to recognize the legality of the de facto situation of the protectorate. ("The Government of the United States has on frequent occasions stated its conviction that only through international support of a program of order based upon law can world peace be assured." State Release 1939, No. 495, p. 221.)
March 21. Germany notified Poland German renunciation of the Corridor depended on the return of Danzig and the extraterritorial connections with East Prussia. ("Poland owed her present territorial expanse to Germany's greatest misfortune: namely, the fact that Germany had lost the World War. The decision regarding the Corridor, I [von Ribbentrop] said, was generally accepted as being the heaviest burden placed on Germany by the Peace Treaty of Versailles. . . . The existence of the Corridor was a thorn in the flesh of the German people, of which the sting could only be removed in this way." German, No. 203, pp. 211 f. Cf. Jan. 5, 26, Feb. 10, supra.)
March 22. Germany and Lithuania signed treaty providing for the cession of Memel to the former and including a nonaggression clause. (". . . thereby clarifying the questions pending between Germany and Lithuania and thus opening the way for the formation of friendly relations between the two countries." Ibid., No. 342, p. 363.)
March 23. The German Ambassador in Warsaw reported that Poland was calling up reserves. (". . . growing influence of military circles upon the conduct of Polish foreign policy." Ibid., No. 206, p. 213. Cf. Nos. 204, 205, pp. 212 f. Cf. also Mar. 21, supra.)
The United States terminated rates of duty in trade agreement with Czechoslovakia and suspended its operation. ("Whereas the occupation of the Czechoslovak Provinces of Bohemia, Moravia, and Slovakia by armed forces of Germany, and of the Province of Ruthenia by armed forces of Hungary and the assumption of de facto administrative control over these Provinces by Germany and Hungary renders impossible the present fulfillment by the Czechoslovak Republic of its obligations under the said Agreement;
"Whereas this condition will obtain so long as such occupation and administration continue; . . ." State Release 1939, No. 495; p. 242. Cf. Mar. 20, supra.)
Germany signed treaty guaranteeing the political independence and territorial integrity of Slovakia for 25 years. (To bring Slovakia almost as completely within German orbit as Bohemia-Moravia. Lee, p. 373. Cf. Mar. 16, supra.)
Germany signed a trade agreement providing for joint exploitation of Rumanian agricultural and mineral resources. (German pressure; to serve needs of the Reich. Ibid., pp. 375, 384.)
Prime Minister Chamberlain said Britain had no desire "to stand in the way of any reasonable, efforts on the part of Germany to expand her export trade." ("Nor is this Government anxious
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 183
to set up in Europe opposing blocs of countries with different ideas about the forms of them internal administration." Commons, Vol. 345, col. 1462. British, No. 11, pp. 23 f.)
March 26. Italy demanded Djibouti, the Suez Canal, and Tunisia. (Lee, p. 375. Cf. Mar. 16, supra.)
Poland rejected demands on her sovereignty: i.e., extra territoriality proposal; presented counter technical suggestions; said "any further pursuance of these German plans, especially where the return of Danzig to the Reich was concerned, meant war with Poland." ("Today, as always, the Polish Government attach the greatest importance to the maintenance of neighborly relations with the (German Reich for the longest possible period of time. . . . All concessions on the part of Poland, however, can only be made within the scope of Polish sovereignty; . . ." German, No. 208, pp. 215 f.) Germany asked Poland to reconsider and repeated demands of unconditional return of Danzig, extraterritorial connection with East Prussia, 25‑year nonaggression pact with frontier guarantees, joint protection of Slovakia; said Polish troop violation of Danzig would be the same as that of the Reich frontiers. (". . . the Polish proposals could not be regarded by the Fuehrer as satisfactory." Ibid., p. 215. Cf. Mar. 21, supra.)
March 27. Spanish Nationalist Government signed the Anti‑Comintern Pact. (The ticket to totalitarian respectability. Lee, p. 368.)
March 28. Spanish civil war ended, (Madrid surrendered to General Franco. Simonds, Emeny, p. 688.)
March 29. Prime Minister Chamberlain announced the Territorial Army would be placed on war footing and doubled. ("His Majesty's Government have been impressed with the need for availing themselves still further of the spirit of voluntary service which is manifest throughout the country. In particular they feel that they cannot allow would‑be recruits for the Territorial Army to be refused because, the units to which they apply are already‑over strength." Commons, Vol. 345, col. 2048. Cf. Jan. 23, 28. Feb. 22, Mar. 8, supra.)
France rejected Italian demands of March 26. (She would not cede a foot of land or one of her rights. Lee, p. 375.)
Poland warned that any German or Danzig Senate attempt to alter statute of Free City by unilateral action would be a casus belli. (Because Germany would consider a Polish coup de force against Danzig a casus belli. German, No. 211, p. 220. ". . . after the events in Czechoslovakia, and in the Memel district, the claim raised at this very moment with regard to Danzig had been interpreted as a danger‑signal by Poland." Ibid., p. 220. Cf. Mar. 21, supra.)
March 31. Japan annexed the Sinnan Islands, including the Spratly Islands claimed by France. (Cf. "New order" policy, Nov. 3 and 30, 1938. "The Sinnan Islands were no State's until June, 1921, when the Rasa Phosphate Co., a Japanese concern,
184 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
having made extensive investigation of the Islands since 1917, invested a considerable amount of money in the building of permanent establishments for the development of the Islands. Their enterprise received the full authorization and support of the Japanese Government, which dispatched. a naval surveying ship, Koshu, in 1929. In April of the same year a stone monument was built signifying the Japanese occupation, replacing a wooden marker built in 1919. (A more imposing one was erected in August 1938 with due ceremony conducted by the officers and crew of the minelayer Katsuriki.) . . . The Japanese Government, basing their action on the close connection that has existed between the Islands and the Japanese Empire and on the right deriving therefrom under International Law, and motivated by their desire to avoid the possibility of further complications with the French Government, incidental to the hitherto vague administrative status of the Islands, . . ." Japan, Vol. II, pp. 278 ff.)
Apart from any question as to the merits of the conflicting claims of France and Japan, it may be observed that, as the Japanese Government is aware, the Government of the United States advocates adjustment of problems in international relations by processes of negotiation, agreement, or arbitration.
"The Government of the United States does not consider that all islands or reefs which might be situated within the extensive area deliminated in the Japanese memorandum, and especially within that considerable part of the area lying to the eastward and southeastward of any of the islands named in the Japanese memorandum, can properly be treated as one island group, nor does this Government consider that the action of Japan in blanketing within the territory of Japan islands or reefs, either known or unknown, with respect to which the Japanese Government has heretofore exercised no acts which may properly be regarded as establishing a basis for claim to sovereignty, has any international validity." Note from Secretary of State Hull to the Japanese Ambassador, May 17, 1939, Japan, Vol. II, p. 280.
Prime Minister Chamberlain announced that Britain and France would defend Poland with all the power at their command "in the event of any action which clearly threatened Polish independence, and which the Polish Government accordingly considered it vital to resist with their national forces.
("In order to make perfectly clear the position of His Majesty's Government . . ." Commons, Vol. 345, col. 2315. Cf. Mar. 29, supra.)
April 1. The United States recognized the Nationalist Government in Spain by proclaiming end of civil war and revoking embargo on export of arms and regulations as to contributions. (". . . in my judgment the state of civil strife in Spain described in said joint resolution of January 8, 1937, and the conditions which caused me to issue the said proclamation of May 1, 1937, have ceased to exist, . . ." [Statement of President. Roosevelt.] State Release 1939, No. 496, p. 246.)
Chancellor Hitler in defense of the taking of Czechia said he had rendered thereby a great service to peace. ("I have in good time made valueless an instrument that was designed to become
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 185
effective in time of war against Germany." German, No. 281, p. 302; British., No. 20, p. 29. Cf. Mar. 17, supra.)
April 3. Prime Minister Chamberlain repeated guarantee to Poland of March 31, emphasizing its departure from traditional British ideas of policy, and mentioned the possible necessity of extending it to other countries. ("These recent happenings have, rightly or wrongly, made every State which lies adjacent to Germany unhappy, anxious, uncertain about Germany's future intentions." Commons, Vol. 345, col. 2485. Never before had Britain undertaken such obligations east of the Rhine. Lee, p. 382.)
April 6. Poland agreed to regard the British guarantee of March 31 as mutual obligation, pending conclusion of permanent agreement to that end. ("Like the temporary assurance, the permanent agreement would not be directed against any other country but would be designed to assure Great Britain and Poland of mutual assistance in the event of any threat, direct or indirect, to the independence of either." British, No. 18, p. 49. Cf. German, No. 286, p. 307.)
Italy assured Britain it was not considering any coup de main in Albania. (Greek, p. 25.)
April 7. Germany reproached Poland for responding to her offers with saber rattling. ("Poland had obviously not understood the offer. . . . The sort of reply which the Polish Government had given us to this offer was no basis for a settlement of the matter in question, . . ." German, No. 212, pp. 221 f. Cf. Oct. 24, 1938, Jan. 5, 6, 26, Feb. 10, Mar: 21, Apr. 6, supra.)
Italian troops invaded and occupied Albania. Cf. March 16, supra. ". . . for the reestablishment of peace, order, and justice." Greek, p. 25. ". . . influential persons in Albania had requested Italian intervention on account of the unbearable situation created by King Zog." Ibid., p. 28.)
April 9. Italy assured Britain that she would respect the independence of Albania. (Greek, p. 27.)
April 13. Prime Minister Chamberlain announced Britain and France were bound to aid Greece and Rumania with total support "in the event of any action being taken which clearly threatens the independence of Greece or Rumania and which the Greek or Rumanian Government respectively considered it vital to resist with the national forces." ("His Majesty's Government feel that they have both a duty and a service to perform by leaving no doubt in the mind of anybody as to their position. I therefore take this opportunity of saying on their behalf that His Majesty's Government attach the greatest importance to the avoidance of disturbance by force or threat of force of the status quo in the Mediterranean and the Balkan Peninsula." Commons, Vol. 346, col. 13. Cf. Mar. 31, supra. Cf. Greek, pp. 30 f.)
Italy formally annexed Albania. (Cf. Apr. 7, 9, supra. Simonds, Emeny, p. 689.)
Britain and France asked a Russian unilateral guarantee of Poland and Rumania effective at the will of the two countries
186 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORD WAR II
concerned and after Britain and France sent aid. (To safeguard Poland and Rumania from unwanted assistance, to assure Russia. of allies. Lee, p. 396.) Russia rejected proposal. (She would receive no aid herself if attacked by Germany or Japan; and Latvia, Esthonia, and Finland were not included in the guarantees. Ibid., p. 396. Cf. Mar. 31, supra.)
April 14. President Roosevelt asked Chancellor Hitler and Premier Mussolini for ten‑year guarantee of peace for thirty‑one European and Near Eastern states. ("You realize I am sure that throughout the world hundreds of millions of human beings are living today in constant fear of a new war or even a series of wars.
"The existence of this fear–and the possibility of such a conflict–is of definite concern to the people of the United States for whom I speak, as it must also be to the peoples of the other nations of the entire Western Hemisphere. All of them know that any major war, even if it were to be confined to other continents, must bear heavily on them during its continuance and also for generations to come. . . .
"I am convinced that the cause of world peace would be greatly advanced if the nations of the world were to obtain a frank statement relating to the present and future policy of governments." State Release 1939, No. 498, pp. 291 f. Cf. Peace, pp. 455 ff.)
April 15. Rumania refused to join political encirclement of Germany. (German, No. 291, p. 311. Cf. Mar. 23, supra.)
April 18. Prime Minister Chamberlain implied staff conversations were under way in those countries with which military obligations were undertaken. (In answer to a question in Commons. Commons, Vol. 346, col. 162. Cf. Feb. 6, Mar. 31, supra.)
April 19. Britain announced intention of defending independence of Denmark, The Netherlands, and Switzerland. (Warning to Germany. Simonds, Emeny, p. 689. Cf. German, No. 276, p. 296; No. 311, p. 333. Cf. Apr. 3, supra.)
April 20. Premier Mussolini rejected President Roosevelt's request of April 14. (He was a man of peace; such a request was absurd for it did not consider "the pyramidal errors of geography into which individuals have fallen who have not even the most rudimentary knowledge of European affairs." Lee, p. 389.)
Prime Minister Chamberlain announced the Government's intention to create a Ministry of Supply. (To deal with army supplies and acquisition and maintenance of raw materials for the defense program and questions of priority. Commons, Vol., 346, Col. 496‑497. Cf. Jan. 23, 28, Feb. 22, Mar. 8, 29, supra.)
April 25. Secretary of State Hull made a strong plea against resort to war for settling international differences. ("There is no controversy, no difference that can arise between nations, which could. not be settled with far greater benefit to all concerned by the peaceful processes of friendly adjustment than by resort to armed force." Peace, p. 459.)
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 187
April 26. Prime Minister Chamberlain announced that the Government had decided to introduce a Military Training Bill. (". . . every other country in Europe has the powers which we seek to obtain under this Bill. . . . The Government have given consideration, also, to the new liabilities which . . . they have incurred in Europe within the last month . . . the object of the assurances we have given to certain countries as well as of the conversations now proceeding with other Governments is not to wage war but to prevent it. Bearing this object in mind we cannot but be impressed with the view, shared by other democratic countries and especially by our friends in Europe, that despite the immense efforts this country has already made by way of rearmament, nothing would so impress the world with the determination of this country to offer firm resistance to any attempt at general domination as its acceptance of the principle of compulsory military service, which is the universal rule on the Continent." Commons, Vol. 346, col. 1151. Cf. Apr. 20, supra.)
April 27. Germany denounced the Anglo‑German naval agreement of June 18, 1935 (supra). ("As is clearly shown by the political decisions made known by the British Government in the last weeks as well as by the inspired anti‑German attitude of the English press, the British Government is now governed by the opinion that England, in whatever part of Europe Germany might be involved in warlike conflict, must always take up an attitude hostile to Germany, even in a case where English interests are not touched in any way by such a conflict. The British Government thus regards war by England against Germany no longer as an impossibility, but on the contrary as a capital problem of English foreign policy. By means of this encirclement policy the British Government has unilaterally deprived the Naval Agreement of the 18th June 1935, of its basis, and has thus put out of force this agreement as well as the complementary declaration of the 17th July 1937." British, No. 22, p. 69; German, No. 294, pp. 313 f.)
April 28. Chancellor Hitler rejected President Roosevelt's request of April 14 ("I took the trouble to ascertain from the States mentioned, first, whether they feel themselves threatened, and secondly, and above all, whether this inquiry by Mr. Roosevelt was addressed to us at their suggestion or at any rate with their consent. The reply was in all cases negative, in some instances strongly so. . . . Apart from this fact, all States bordering on Germany have received assurances and above all much more definite proposals than Mr. Roosevelt asked of me in his curious telegram. . . . The German Government are, nevertheless, prepared to give each of the States named an assurance of the kind desired by Roosevelt on the condition of absolute reciprocity, provided that the State concerned wishes it and itself addresses to Germany a request, together with appropriate proposals, for such an assurance." German, No. 343, p. 364.); abrogated the ten‑year nonaggression pact with Poland. ("The agreement which has now been concluded by the Polish Government with the British Government is in such obvious contradiction to these
188 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
solemn declarations of a few months ago that the German Government can take note only with surprise and astonishment of such violent reversal of Polish policy . . .
"By this new alliance the Polish Government have subordinated themselves to a policy inaugurated from another quarter aiming at the encirclement of Germany. . . . At the same time the Polish Government accepted, with regard to another State, political obligations which are not compatible either with the spirit, the meaning, or the text of the German‑Polish Declaration of the 26th January, 1934. Thereby the Polish Government arbitrarily and unilaterally rendered this declaration null and void." German, No. 213, pp. 222‑226; British, No. 14, pp. 33‑36); announced terms of proposed solution of Polish‑German problems. ("The strange way in which the Corridor giving Poland access to the sea was marked out was meant, above all, to prevent for all time the establishment of an understanding between Poland and Germany. . . . Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. . . . I regarded the peaceful settlement of this problem as a further contribution to a final loosening of the European tension . . . you yourselves will judge whether this offer did not represent the greatest imaginable concession in the interests of European peace. . . . According to my conviction Poland was not a giving party in this solution at all but only a receiving party, because it should be beyond all doubt that Danzig will never become Polish. . . ." German, No. 214, pp. 226‑229; British, No. 13, pp. 28‑31); said he regretted that both official and unofficial British policy clearly showed "that no matter in what conflict Germany should some day be entangled, Great Britain would always have to take her stand against Germany. Thus a war against Germany is taken for granted in that country." (". . . the only claim I have ever made, and shall continue to make, on England is that for a return of our colonies." German, No. 295, pp. 314‑316; British, No. 21, p. 67.)
May 3. Vyacheslav Molotov replaced Maxim Litvinov as Foreign Commissar in Russia. (Indicated a trend in policy away from collective security and cooperation with the League of Nations toward a compromise with the Axis. Lee, p. 396.)
May 5. Poland rejected Germany's request for the return of Danzig and for a road through the Corridor: ("It is clear that negotiations in which one State formulates demands and the other is to be obliged to accept those demands unaltered are not negotiations in the spirit of the declaration of 1934 and are incompatible with the vital interests and dignity of Poland. . . . The Polish Government cannot accept such an interpretation of the declaration of 1934 as would be equivalent to a renunciation of the right to conclude political agreements with third States and, consequently almost a renunciation of independence in foreign policy. . . . The Polish Government reject as completely without foundation all accusations regarding the alleged incompatibility of the Anglo‑Polish Mutual Guarantee of April 1939, with the Polish‑German Declaration of 1934. This guarantee has a purely defensive character and in no way threatens
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 189
the German Reich. . . . The German guarantees of Slovakia did not exclude Poland, and, indeed, as appears from the provisions of the above agreement regarding the distribution of garrisons and military. fortifications in Western Slovakia, were directed primarily against Poland." British, No. 16, pp. 45 ff. "The population of Danzig is to‑day predominantly German, but its livelihood and prosperity depend on the economic potential of Poland. . . . I [Joseph Beck] insist on the term `province of Pomorze.' The word `corridor' is an artificial invention, for this is an ancient Polish territory with an insignificant percentage of German colonists. We have given the German Reich all railway facilities, we have allowed its citizens to travel without customs or passport formalities from the Reich to East Prussia. We have suggested the extension of similar facilities to road traffic. . . . On the first and second points, i.e., the question of the future of Danzig and of communication across Pomorze, it is still a matter of unilateral concessions which the Government of the Reich appear to be demanding from us. A self‑respecting nation does not make unilateral concessions. In his speech the Chancellor of the Reich proposes, as a concession on his part, the recognition and definite acceptance of the present frontier between Poland and Germany. I must point out that this would have been a question of recognizing what is de jure and de facto our indisputable property. . . . We in Poland do not recognize the conception of `peace at any price.' There is oily one thing in the life of men, nations, and states which is without price, and that is honour." Ibid., No. 15, pp. 40 ff. Cf. Apr. 7, supra.)
May 7. Chancellor Hitler told Premier Mussolini that the frontier of the Alps should be regarded forever as inviolable. ("They will, give Italy and Germany not only the possibility of peaceful and permanent collaboration through a clear division of their spheres of life, but also a bridge for mutual help and support. It is my irrevocable will and my legacy to the German people, . . ." German, No. 338, p. 361. Cf. Mar. 11, 198, supra.)
France learned of Germany's intention to come to an understanding with Russia. (To assure benevolent neutrality or complicity in a partition of Poland, according to one of Chancellor Hitler's lieutenants. French, No. 123, pp. 132 f. Cf. May 3, supra.)
May 11. Prime Minister Chamberlain said that compulsory military training was introduced to impress Europe that Britain meant business in building a peace front and that any attempt to change the situation in Danzig by force that threatened Polish independence would start a general war in which Britain would be involved. (". . . I want to make it equally plain that we are not prepared to sit by and see the independence of one country after another successively destroyed. . . . Such attempts in peacetime always have encountered our resistance, and it is because there can be no rest, no security, in Europe until the nations are convinced that no such attempt is contemplated that we have given those
190 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
assurances to Poland, Rumania, and Greece that have been so warmly welcomed by them. It is with the same purpose of calming and stabilizing the situation that we have entered upon conversations with other countries, particularly Russia and Turkey." London Times, May 12, 1939, p. 10. Cf. Apr. 26, supra.)
May 12. Britain and Turkey, announced agreement on military cooperation in case of war in the Mediterranean area. (". . . to assure Great Britain and Turkey of mutual aid and assistance should the necessity arise . . . to ensure the establishment of security in the Balkans. . . ." Commons, Vol. 347, col. 955. Cf. Apr. 18, supra.)
May 15. Ambassador Neville Henderson told Ernst Von Weizsäcker, of the German Foreign Office, the German march on Prague. had produced reversal of British policy; Britain had given the word to help Poland in war; British public opinion backed a European war for the Poles. ("It was obvious that he [Henderson] wanted to make it clear to us that Great Britain did not desire war and wanted to avoid it by a German‑Polish compromise, but nonetheless was ready and determined to aid Poland in accordance with her pledge, if we wanted to bring about a change in the status of Danzig by force, and thus cause Poland to declare war against us." German, No. 302, p. 322. Cf. Mar. 17, 20, 31, supra.).
May 17. Britain announced plan to set up single independent Palestine State eventually, limiting Jewish immigration until 1944; prohibited thereafter except with Arab consent. (Cf. Mar. 17, supra. Simonds, Emeny, p. 689.)
May 19. Prime Minister Chamberlain said Britain sought support of other countries interested in peace, yet nearer to the possible seat of trouble: i.e., Turkey and Russia, in supplying new stabilizing factor for Europe. (". . . unless some new stabilizing factor could be introduced into Europe, the dissolution of a large part of Europe might be imminent. . . . It was necessary to act quickly because apprehensions of attack were acute in certain particular quarters and we felt, therefore, that it was not possible to wait. . . ." Commons, Vol. 347, col. 1843. Cf. May, 12, supra.)
Finland, Norway, and Sweden declined offer of German nonaggression treaty. ("The Swedish and Norwegian Governments have again declared to the German Government that their respective countries do not feel menaced by Germany, and that, while maintaining the principle of neutrality, integrity, and independence, they have no intention of entering into nonaggression pacts with any country. They therefore consider an agreement of the kind unnecessary, and have agreed with the German Government not to pursue the plan any further. The negotiations with the Finnish Government have produced a like result." German, No. 344, p. 365. Cf. Apr. 28, supra.)
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 191
May 22. Germany and Italy signed formal treaty of military alliance. (For Italy it was alliance with Germany or humiliation; an answer to encirclement; German renunciation of South Tyrol; German pressure. Lee, p. 392. Cf. Apr. 7, 13, supra,.)
May 27. Secretary of State Hull recommended revision of neutrality law to eliminate arms embargo. ("If we go in for embargoes on exports, for the purpose of keeping ourselves out of war, the logical thing to do would be to make our embargo all‑inclusive. Modern warfare is no longer warfare between armed forces only: it is warfare between nations in every phase of their national life. Lists of contraband are no longer limited to arms and ammunition and closely related commodities. They include not only those items which contribute toward making warfare possible, but almost every item useful in the life of the enemy nation. A nation at war is no less anxious to keep cotton or petroleum or, indeed, any useful product, from reaching an enemy nation than it is to keep guns and airplanes from reaching the enemy's armed forces. I doubt whether we can help ourselves to keep out of war by an attempt on our part to distinguish between categories of exports. Yet a complete embargo upon all exports would obviously be ruinous to our economic life. It therefore seems clear that we should have no general and automatic embargo inflexibly and rigidly imposed on any class or group of exports." State Release 1939, No. 505, p. 476. Cf. Peace, p.463.)
May 28. Ambassador Henderson told Field Marshal Hermann Goering Britain was determined to resist by force any new aggression: (As a result of the Prague coup; "I thought it more important . . . to understand the British point of view in consequence of it. British, No. 12, p. 26. Cf. May 15, supra.)
May 31. Germany and Denmark signed ten‑year nonaggression treaty (". . . earnestly desirous of maintaining peace between Germany and Denmark under all circumstances . . ." German, No. 345, p. 365. Cf. Apr. 28, supra.)
Foreign Commissar Molotov stated terms for defensive alliance with Britain: an effective pact of mutual assistance against aggression, a guarantee against aggression to be given to the states of Central and Eastern Europe "including all European countries bordering on the U. S. S. R., without exception," and a concrete military agreement to be concluded by the U. S. S. R., Great Britain, and France. (A desire for absolute equality and complete reciprocity. Lee, p. 397. Cf. May. 19, supra.)
June 1. Chancellor, Hitler promised German friendship for Yugoslavia. (". . . as firmly established relations of mutual confidence between Germany and Yugoslavia (since historic events have made us neighbors with common frontiers fixed forever) will serve not only to ensure permanent peace between our two peoples and countries, but over and above that will constitute a factor of pacification for our sorely troubled continent." German, No. 340, p. 362. Cf. Apr. 28, supra.)
192 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
June 3. Arthur K. Greiser, president of the Danzig Senate, protested increase in Polish customs officials. (". . . the ever‑increasing number of Polish Customs Inspectors was not compatible with the execution of their prescribed duties." British, No. 26, p. 87. Cf. Mar. 28, supra.)
June 6. Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles said a constructive peace policy for the United States included armament for self-defense and assistance to South America; revision of neutrality laws so as not to encourage or assist aggressors; and to cooperate constructively for disarmament and equality of economic opportunity. ("We cannot escape the fact that our nation is an integral part of a world closely knit together by the developments of modern science and invention. We cannot deny the self‑evident truth that the outbreak of a general war in any part of the world will inevitably have grave repercussions upon our national economy, and upon our social well‑being, and not improbably upon our national security itself." State Release 1939, No. 506, p. 489. Cf. May 27, supra.)
June 7. Prime Minister Chamberlain said new France‑British‑Russian military alliance would include cases where a Government "might feel that its security was indirectly menaced by the action of another European Power." ("It is not intended that the full military support which the three Powers will agree to extend should be confined to cases of actual aggression on their own territory." Commons, Vol. 348, col. 400. Cf. May 31,‑supra.)
Germany signed nonaggression agreements with Esthonia and Latvia. (". . . earnestly desirous of maintaining peace between Germany and Esthonia under all circumstances, . . ." German, No. 346, p. 367; for Latvia, Ibid., No. 347, p. 368. Cf. April 28, supra.)
June 10. Polish Government rejected Danzig Senate protest and proposal of June 3. ("Essence of whole question is that territory of Free City is part of Polish Customs Territory, both legally and in virtue of treaty obligations." British, No. 27, p. 90.)
June 11. Léon Noel, French Ambassador in Warsaw, reported influx of S. A. men and German army motor cars and motor cycles in Danzig. (". . . it is only a question of a simple military tournament amongst the S. A., `in which units of the standing Army are taking part'. . . . The intention of the German leaders to `nibble' at the statute of Danzig is none the less evidenced anew by these facts." French, No. 134, pp. 157 f. Cf. June 3, supra.)
June 13. Ambassador Henderson sought some way with Germany to get through the summer without war. ("As long as London was carrying on negotiations with Moscow, conversations between London and Berlin were naturally impossible; if the pact with Russia were concluded, however, it might be easier to talk with Berlin. . . . The substance of a talk between the British and German Governments might be how to put an end to the armaments race and revive economic exchange. The colonial question could also be discussed." German, No. 307, p. 329. Cf. May 28, supra.)
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 193
June 14. Japan blockaded British and French concessions, mistreated British, and interfered with their shipping at Tientsin. (Four Chinese, who allegedly killed a Japanese customs officer, took refuge there. Simonds, Emeny, p. 690; Lee, p. 398.)
June 16. Lord Halifax reported that Herbert von Dirksen, German Ambassador, said Germany resented British regrouping of powers, because it was designed to operate coercive pressure on Germany. (". . . much of the feeling at the present time was due to all the discussion about our anti‑aggression negotiations with Russia." British, No. 23, p., 70., Cf., Apr. 28, supra.)
June 17. German State Secretary Weizsäcker warned French Ambassador Robert Coulondre that it was futile to threaten the Germans with the Russians. ("The method of intimidation produced in us the opposite of what was intended." German, No. 308, p. 330. Cf. June 7, supra.)
June 20. Ambassador Coulondre reported to the French Foreign Office that Germany would take Danzig and start a European war within two or three months. (". . . in Herr Hitler's eyes the affair is not yet ripe. He wishes to await, before acting, the development in one way or the other, of the Angle‑France‑Russian negotiations [for in Berlin there is still the hope that these negotiations may break down]. He also wants to await the evolution of the Anglo‑Japanese conflict. . . . But the Nazi authorities will exhaust all means of turning the position before contemplating a frontal attack, . . ." French, No. 138, pp. 162 f. Cf. May 25, June 11, supra.)
June 22. Ambassador Coulondre reported that Danzig was not an end in itself for Hitler. (Field Marshal Hermann Goering said "Germany intends to take back all the territory which has belonged to her in the course of history." French, No. 143, p. 166.)
June 23. Britain denied she would always be hostile to Germany in every war. ("Great Britain could only be hostile to Germany if Germany were to commit an act of aggression against another country; and the political decision, to which it is understood the German Government refer in their memorandum involving guarantees by Great Britain to certain countries, could only operate if the countries concerned wore to be attacked by Germany. . . . The consistent desire of His Majesty's Government, far from being the promotion of a war with Germany, has been and is to establish Anglo‑German relations on the basis of the. mutual recognition of the needs of both countries, consistently with due regard for the rights of other nations." British, No. 23, pp. 71 f. Cf. Apr. 28, supra.).
France and Turkey signed a defensive alliance and an agreement ceding the Hatay Republic [Sanjak of Alexandretta] to Turkey. (". . . to establish peace and a feeling of security in the Near East and the Balkans." Times, June 24, 1939, p. 4.)
American-British cotton‑rubber agreement concluded. (". . . to acquire reserves of cotton and rubber, respectively, against
194 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
the contingency of a major war emergency, . . . This Agreement shall come into force on a date to be agreed between the two governments." State Release 1939, No. 508, pp. 548 f. Cf. Peace, p. 63.)
June 27. Ambassador Coulondre reported signs of approaching crisis: 600,000 German reservists called up, large‑scale Italian troop maneuvers planned for August, and mobilization of two classes in Bulgaria; advice to foreign families to leave Germany before August; time limit on validity of German male passports; Aug. 15 "der tag" for the Reichswehr. (". . . in order to avoid any misunderstanding on this subject, one may ask whether it is not high time to speak plainly and frustrate this possible manoeuvre by dispelling any illusions which may still be held in Berlin." French, No. 145, p. 169. Cf. similar reports to Britain from Danzig. British, No. 29, p. 92; No. 31, pp. 94 f. Cf. June 20, supra.)
June 29. Lord Halifax warned that Britain was determined to resist aggression. (`. . . we are now engaged with the Soviet Government in a negotiation, to which I hope there may very shortly be a successful issue, with a view to associating them with us for the defence of States in Europe whose independence and neutrality may be threatened. We have assumed obligations, and are preparing to assume more, with full understanding of their causes and with full understanding of their consequences. We know that, if the security and independence of other countries are to disappear, our own security and our own independence will be gravely threatened. We know that, if international law and order is to be preserved, we must be prepared to fight in its defence.
"In the past we have always stood out against the attempt by any single Power to dominate Europe at the expense of the liberties of other nations; and British policy is, therefore, only following the inevitable line of its own history, if such an attempt were to be made again." (British, No. 25, p. 78; Cf. also German No. 312, p. 334) and added that instead of encirclement Germany was isolating herself successfully and completely. (". . . economically by her policy of autarchy, politically by a policy that causes constant anxiety to other nations, and culturally by her policy of racialism. If you deliberately isolate yourself from others by your own actions, you can blame nobody but yourself; and so long as this isolation continues, the inevitable consequences of it, are bound to become stronger and more marked. The last thing we desire is to see the individual German man, or woman, or child suffering privations; but if they do so, the fault does not lie with us; and it depends on Germany and Germany alone whether this process of isolation continues or not, for any day it can be ended by a policy of co‑operation. It is well that this should be stated plainly so that there may be no misunderstanding here or elsewhere." British, p. 81.)
EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II 195
June 30. Ambassador Coulondre told Germany that France would not be bound in case of Polish provocation. (Secretary Weizsäcker said ". . . we were not on the eve of a tremendous eruption, unless it were provoked by Polish excesses. That would certainly mean finis Poloniae." German, No. 314, p. 336. Cf. Mar. 31, supra.)
Lord Halifax said the time had come for Britain, France, and Poland to consult to coordinate their plans. ("It would seem that Hitler is laying his plans very astutely so as to present the Polish Government with a fait accompli in Danzig, to which it would be difficult for them to react without appearing in the role of aggressors. . . . It is in the view of His Majesty's Government essential that . . . plans shall be so devised as to ensure that Hitler shall not be able so to manage matters as to manoeuvre the Polish Government into the position of aggressors." British, No. 30, pp. 93 f. Cf. June 27, 29, supra.)
July 1. Secretary of State Hull expressed regret over the failure of Congress to revise the neutrality law after his recommendation of May 27, supra. ("Its failure to pass the House by a narrow margin is a matter of regret and disappointment from the standpoint of peace and the best interests of this country in its international relations. This six‑point peace and neutrality proposal is not only best calculated to keep this Nation out of war in the event war comes, but also, what is all‑important at this time, best calculated to make a far greater contribution than could the present law or its equivalent toward the discouragement of the outbreak of war. At the same time, while doing this, it would like‑wise keep this Government and Nation 100 percent within the limits of universally recognized international law." Bulletin Vol. I, No. 1, p. 4. Cf. Peace, p. 465.)
Poland refused to be provoked by influx of "tourists" into Danzig. (". . . the Polish Government were determined not to be scared by any psychological terrorism into imprudent action . . . a war was not won by a few thousand `tourists.' The Germans knew that quite well and were mainly hoping to provoke and intimidate Poland." British, No. 32, p. 96.) Further report on military preparations in Danzig. (Ibid., No. 33, pp. 96 f; cf. July 3, Ibid., No. 34, 97: ". . . the process is intended to facilitate a coup by Herr Hitler should he decide on one." Cf. June 11, supra.)
July 4. French Consul General in Hamburg reported likely German-Russian five‑year nonaggression pact. (". . . if some agreement is not shortly concluded between London, Paris, and Moscow, the Soviet Government will be prepared to sign a pact of non‑aggression with the Reich for a period of five years. For some time past there has been anxiety in those circles about the rapid evolution of the National‑Socialist system in the direction of autarchy and collectivization. People do not disguise their fear of seeing this tendency still further strengthened by political cooperation between Berlin and Moscow." French, No. 155, p. 180. Cf. May 3, 7, 22, supra.)
196 EVENTS LEADING UP TO WORLD WAR II
July 8. Germany and Italy agreed on repatriation of Germans south of Tyrol who did not wish to become Italianized. (Chancellor Hitler renounced his designs on that region. Lee, p. 392; Simonds, Emeny, p. 690. Cf. May 22, supra.)
July 9. Ambassador Leon Noel warned the French Foreign Office that Germany wanted the Corridor and other territories that were detached from the Reich. ("The language used by those Germans who live in Poland, or who come here on a visit and even that which one may hear from the lips of certain close friends of Herr von Moltke, clearly confirm it; and while, of course, my German colleague personally shows himself much more prudent, nobody has ever heard him, say that the annexation of Danzig was the last of the Nazi claims." French, No. 159, p. 182. Cf. Ibid., No. 184, p. 221. Cf. June 20, 22., supra.)
July 10. Ambassador Kensuke Horinouchi told Secretary of State Hull Japan had no idea of entering a military pact with Germany and Italy. (Cf. Dec. 4, 1936, supra. ". . . there had been reports in this country. . ." Peace, p. 467)
Ambassador von Dirksen reported that British public opinion thought war inevitable and had taken the initiative from the government. ("The feeling is gaining ground among the people that they must not put up with anything further, that their honor is at stake, that they would have to fight, and that the Government must not, give in again. . . However unfounded and dangerous this attitude of the British public may be, it is real and must be taken seriously, all the more so in a country in which public opinion plays such a decisive role as it does in England." German, No. 252, p. 211. Cf. May 15, supra.)
Prime Minister Chamberlain repeated guarantee of help to Poland in threat to her independence she must resist. (Cf. Mar. 31, supra. "Recent occurrences in Danzig have inevitably given rise to fears that it is intended to settle her future status by unilateral action, organised by surreptitious methods, thus presenting Poland and other Powers with a fait accompli. In such circumstances any action taken by Poland to restore the situation would, it is suggested, be represented as an act of aggression on her part; and if her action were supported by other Powers, they would be accused of aiding and abetting her in the use of force.