92
793.94/10284
The Secretary of
State to the Minister in Switzerland (Harrison)
[Telegram: Paraphrase]
WASHINGTON, September 28, 1937—10 p. m.
7. Reference is made to previous
instructions. In my telegram No. 2 of September 24, 6 p. m., the subject under
immediate consideration was a step at that time in contemplation by the League
of Nations (i. e., to set up a subcommittee of the Assembly Advisory
Committee), along with the question whether consideration should be given the
Sino-Japanese situation as a matter peculiarly of the Far East or of general
world interest and concern. Our view was indicated to you, and I asked you to
foster with discretion the view that the entire question should be treated from
the viewpoint of general world interest and concern and on the broadest
possible basis.
380
DOCUMENTS
I have telegraphed you more than once my
opinion that the League of Nations should decide its own course, that the
United States is prepared to consider such concrete proposals as the League may
present, and that we do not wish to suggest either the limits or the direction
of action to be considered and decided upon by the League.
It is desirable, however, inasmuch as the
United States Government associates itself with the League's deliberations
through authorizing you to sit with the Assembly Advisory Committee and the
subcommittee, that you know of and understand the American Government's thought
in connection with any possible contributions you may be able to make toward
enabling your associates at Geneva to reach decisions which may have some
beneficial practical effect regarding objectives which are common to the United
States and to the League's members.
When Japan embarked last July upon military
activities in China, the United States Government, which took full account of
evidence presented at that time and during the past indicative of Japanese
political objectives, on July 16 made public a statement of basic principles
which it felt should underlie normal and peaceful international relationships.
The United States Government reiterated more
specifically on August 23 in a statement, with especial reference to the armed
conflict between Japan and China, certain of the principles comprised in the
statement of July 16, and the view was emphasized that these principles applied
as well to the Pacific area as elsewhere. Attention was called, inter alia, expressly to the
Kellogg-Briand Pact and the Nine-Power Treaty. Exception was thus definitely
taken to the course followed by Japan.
Moreover, several definite steps have been
taken in support of the American position: (1) Direct appeals to Japan and
China to desist or refrain from hostilities; (2) repeated statements to both
sides regarding the availability to them of good offices should they make any
suggestions for resort to conciliation processes; (3) repeated protests to the
Japanese Government against aerial bombing of noncombatants and publication in
one instance of an American note to the Japanese Government in objection to and
condemnation of such bombing and in another instance issuance of a statement
today on that subject.
The United States has been approached on
several occasions by certain other Governments with suggestions for "joint
action," and it has regularly been indicated that, while we believe in and
wish to practice cooperation, we are not prepared to take part in join
381
DOCUMENTS
action, though we will consider the possible taking of parallel action.
Whenever possible action which has been thought of also by other governments
has been regarded as being intrinsically meritorious, action has been taken,
several times prior to and sometimes without parallel action by any other
government. In general, it is felt that spontaneous separate action on parallel
lines, should two or more governments feel moved thereto anywhere, indicates
more strongly serious feeling regarding matters under consideration and is more
likely effectively to serve to attain the objectives sought than would inspired
joint action.
Japan's military operations have increased in
intensity and in extent with the unfolding situation. Charges of Japan's
violation of treaty provisions and international law have been amplified by the
Chinese Government, and a willingness to resort to conciliation processes has
been affirmed by the Chinese. The Japanese have announced, however, their
intention to destroy the Chinese will and capacity to resist and actually to
overthrow the existing Chinese Government. By declining the League Assembly
Advisory Committee's invitation, the Japanese have refused even to consult with
other governments with a view to adjusting their difficulties with China.
That the Sino-Japanese situation definitely
concerns the world as a whole is our feeling. No longer do the questions
involved relate merely to specific provisions of particular treaties being
violated; they are questions of international law, of principles of humanity,
of war and of peace. Naturally it is true that the questions involve violating
agreements, particularly the League of Nations Covenant, the Nine-Power Treaty,
and the Kellogg-Briand Pact. But problems of world economy, world humanity, and
world security also are involved. I believe that it is not possible on a basis
of realism for these questions to be confined to any one forum's consideration
or to be brought within the exclusive focus of any one existing agreement.
Further, I believe it inexpedient to attempt stating the possible limit of
action to be taken by nations desiring peace for the purpose of expressing
themselves against activities now being engaged in, as regards the situation
under reference, in jeopardy to the security and rights of all nations and in
breach of the peace.
In action taken thus far, we feel that the
United States has gone further in making efforts calculated to strengthen
general principles of world peace and world security and in indicating toward
disregard of them disapprobation and disapproval than any other government or
group of nations has gone. Therefore, it is felt that other nations might now
well direct their efforts to go as far
382
DOCUMENTS
as or further than the United States thus far has gone along these lines.
You are instructed to endeavor with
discretion to cultivate thinking along these lines within restricted circles
which will respect confidence, at the same time making it clear that the United
States does not desire to incite the League of Nations to action and declines
to chart a course for its members, whether individually or collectively.
HULL