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Press Releases, vol. XX, p. 291
President Roosevelt to the
Chancelor of Germany (Hitler) [40]
[Telegram]
THE WHITE HOUSE, April 14, 1939.
You realize I am sure that throughout the
world hundreds of millions of human beings are living today in constant fear of
a new war or even a series of wars.
[40] The Secretary of State at the same time, at the President's direction, addressed an identical telegram to Premier Benito Mussolini, of Italy. (Probably should be footnote 40a. E-editor)
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The
existence of this fear—and the possibility of such a conflict—is of definite
concern to the people of the United States for whom I speak, as it must also be
to the peoples of the other nations of the entire Western Hemisphere. All of
them know that any major war, even if it were to be confined to other
continents, must bear heavily on them during its continuance and also for
generations to come.
Because of the fact that after the acute
tension in which the world has been living during the past few weeks there
would seem to be at least a momentary relaxation—because no troops are at this
moment on the march—this may be an opportune moment for me to send you this
message.
On a previous occasion I have addressed you
in behalf of the settlement of political, economic, and social problems by
peaceful methods and without resort to arms.
But the tide of events seems to have reverted
to the threat of arms. If such threats continue, it seems inevitable that much
of the world must become involved in common ruin. All the world, victor
nations, vanquished nations, and neutral nations will suffer. I refuse to
believe that the world is, of necessity, such a prisoner of destiny. On the
contrary, it is clear that the leaders of great nations have it in their power
to liberate their peoples from the disaster that impends. It is equally clear
that in their own minds and in their own hearts the peoples themselves desire
that their fears be ended.
It is, however, unfortunately necessary to
take cognizance of recent facts.
Three nations in Europe and one in Africa
have seen their independent existence terminated. A vast territory in another
independent nation of the Far East has been occupied by a neighboring state.
Reports, which we trust are not true, insist that further acts of aggression
are contemplated against still other independent nations. Plainly the world is
moving toward the moment when this situation must end in catastrophe unless a
more rational way of guiding events is found.
You have repeatedly asserted that you and the
German people have no desire for war. If this is true there need be no war.
Nothing can persuade the peoples of the earth
that any governing power has any right or need to inflict the consequences of
war on its own or any other people save in the cause of self-evident home
defense.
In making this statement we as Americans
speak not through selfishness or fear or weakness. If we speak now it is with
the voice of strength and with friendship for mankind. It is still clear to me
that international problems can be solved at the council table.
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It is
therefore no answer to the plea for peaceful discussion for one side to plead
that unless they receive assurances beforehand that the verdict will be theirs,
they will not lay aside their arms. In conference rooms, as in courts, it is
necessary that both sides enter upon the discussion in good faith, assuming
that substantial justice will accrue to both; and it is customary and necessary
that they leave their arms outside the room where they confer.
I am convinced that the cause of world peace
would be greatly advanced if the nations of the world were to obtain a frank
statement relating to the present and future policy of governments.
Because the United States, as one of the
nations of the Western Hemisphere, is not involved in the immediate
controversies which have arisen in Europe, I trust that you may be willing to
make such a statement of policy to me as the head of a nation far removed from
Europe in order that I, acting only with the responsibility and obligation of a
friendly intermediary, may communicate such declaration to other nations now
apprehensive as to the course which the policy of your Government may take.
Are you willing to give assurance that your
armed forces will not attack or invade the territory or possessions of the
following independent nations: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden,
Norway, Denmark, The Netherlands, Belgium, Great Britain and Ireland, France,
Portugal, Spain, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Luxemburg, Poland, Hungary,
Rumania, Yugoslavia, Russia, Bulgaria, Greece, Turkey, Iraq, the Arabias,
Syria, Palestine, Egypt and Iran.
Such an assurance clearly must apply not only
to the present day but also to a future sufficiently long to give every
opportunity to work by peaceful methods for a more permanent peace. I therefore
suggest that you construe the word "future" to apply to a minimum
period of assured non-aggression—ten years at the least—a quarter of a century,
if we dare look that far ahead.
If such assurance is given by your
Government, I will immediately transmit it to the governments of the nations I
have named and I will simultaneously inquire whether, as I am reasonably sure,
each of the nations enumerated above will in turn give like assurance for
transmission to you.
Reciprocal assurances such as I have outlined
will bring to the world an immediate measure of relief.
I propose that if it is given, two essential
problems shall promptly be discussed in the resulting peaceful surroundings,
and in those discussions the Government of the United States will gladly take
part.
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The discussions which I have in mind relate
to the most effective and immediate manner through which the peoples of the
world can obtain progressive relief from the crushing burden of armament which
is each day bringing them more closely to the brink of economic disaster.
Simultaneously the Government of the United States would be prepared to take
part in discussions looking towards the most practical manner of opening up
avenues of international trade to the end that every nation of the earth may be
enabled to buy and sell on equal terms in the world market as well as to
possess assurance of obtaining the materials and products of peaceful economic
life.
At the same time, those governments other
than the United States which are directly interested could undertake such
political discussions as they may consider necessary or desirable.
We recognize complex world problems which
affect all humanity but we know that study and discussion of them must be held
in an atmosphere of peace. Such an atmosphere of peace cannot exist if
negotiations are overshadowed by the threat of force or by the fear of war.
I think you will not misunderstand the spirit
of frankness in which I send you this message. Heads of great governments in
this hour are literally responsible for the fate of humanity in the coming
years. They cannot fail to hear the prayers of their peoples to be protected
from the foreseeable chaos of war. History will hold them accountable for the
lives and the happiness of all—even unto the least.
I hope that your answer will make it possible
for humanity to lose fear and regain security for many years to come.
A similar message is being addressed to the
Chief of the Italian Government.
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT