132
Memorandum by the Secretary of State
Regarding a Conversation With the Japanese Ambassador (Horinouchi)
[Extracts]
[WASHINGTON,] July 10, 1939.
The Japanese Ambassador came in
at my request.
He then referred to a conversation between
Ambassador Grew and Foreign Minister Arita, before the Ambassador recently left
Tokyo
[41] Doc. 130.
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for America, in which Mr. Arita had brought up (1) the idea of our two
countries exercising their influence toward avoiding war in Europe; (2) the
reported apprehension of my Government that the Japanese occupation of the
Hainan Islands is part of a plan of permanent military conquest; and (3) my
Government's concern about the extent of possible injury and loss of American
interests, including American trade, in China, by reason of possible permanent
Japanese policies of control. He said he would be interested in anything I
might have to say on these points.
Point 3. I said that, taking the last point first, I need not remind him that
for six years I had been earnestly pleading with and urging upon his Government
the view that there is enough room on this planet for fifteen or eighteen great
nations like his and mine, and that by cooperating along progressive and
mutually desirable lines, great progress of the entire world population would
gradually follow, etc., etc.
Point
2. I said that, on the other
hand, while present American interests and rights in the Far East are highly
important, the big consideration relates to the question whether all of China
and the Pacific islands skirting it is to be Manchuria-ized by Japan, with
international law destroyed and treaty observation abolished and all other
nations not allowed into that one-half of the world—the door shut and locked by
Japan except over preferences for her own citizens. I added that if some one
nation is to do this in one-half of the world, some other nation in the other
half of the world might undertake to follow the same example, and nothing would
be more absurdly impossible for the future progress of the population of the
world, including the countries assuming this species of domination, than such
attempted course. I proceeded further to say that the Ambassador might suppose
an announcement that this hemisphere and a part of Europe would be foreclosed
against his country in the sense of being Manchuria-ized, and added that I need
not speculate on what his country would think and how it would feel. I said
that such efforts at domination, with no facilities for financing and
progressive development, and the going forward on such a huge scale, could only
result in disaster for all concerned, speaking, of course, from my viewpoint,
and that this general idea had been urged by me on his statesmen for six years.
Point 1. As to the question raised with Ambassador Grew by Foreign Minister
Arita about the possible cooperation of our two countries to compose the
threatened dangers of Europe, I said that the single test of my Government in
dealing with other Governments
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relates to the question of peace; that we consider the preservation of
peace so supremely important to the future of all nations that we draw the line
between honest, law-abiding, peaceful countries and peoples, without reference
to their form of government, on the one hand, and those who are flouting law
and order and officially threatening military conquest without limit as to time
or extent; that we will work in a friendly spirit with every peaceful nation to
promote and preserve peace, without serious thought as to who they are; that
while we have not the slightest alliance, or secret or other understandings
with any nation on earth, and do not propose to have any, we will keep thoroughly
armed and prepared to take care of our interests and rights; that we have, in
the spirit I was describing, made every kind and character of plea to the
countries of Europe to indicate a willingness for the peaceful settlement and
adjustment of their economic and other relations, and we have indicated our
readiness to cooperate in every feasible plan to restore international trade
and finance to a normal basis; that, notwithstanding these earnest pleas,
(which the Japanese Government itself might well have been making, if it; has
not been doing so, or might well make now and persistently in the future,)
nations perhaps could not but take notice that Japan herself is engaged in
military operations for purposes of conquest, and that this situation might
well call for an ending, if Japan were to exercise her fullest influence along
with the United States and other countries in efforts to compose threatened
military conquest in other parts of the world.
The Ambassador made no particular comment,
except to state that there had been reports in this country to the effect that
Japan might enter into a military pact with Germany and Italy, whereas the
truth is that his country has no idea of doing so; that Japan, because of its
proximity and difficulties with Russia, has been interested in the
anti-Comintern policy of certain European states and in working with them
against Bolshevism. I replied that, of course, this was primarily the business
of his country; that my country . . . abstains from any entanglements or
involvements with European countries; that, of course, if Japan desires to tie
herself up with the horribly complicated European controversies, so as to make
herself immediately involved in any European war, that still was her business
primarily; and I might again reiterate that my Government is keeping itself in
a detached position, with peace as its supreme objective, and with armaments
sufficient for all purposes of security.
C [ORDELL] H [ULL]
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