133
Department of State Bulletin, vol. I, p. 43
Message From
President Roosevelt to the Congress, Transmitting A Statement by the Secretary
of State, July 14, 1939
I am advised that by a vote of twelve to
eleven the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations has deferred action on peace
and neutrality legislation until the next session of the Congress.
I am appending hereto a statement from the
Secretary of State which has my full approval, and which I trust will receive
your earnest attention.
It has been abundantly clear to me for some time
that for the cause of peace and in the interests of American neutrality and
security, it is highly advisable that the Congress at this session should take
certain much needed action. In the light of present world conditions, I see no
reason to change that opinion.
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
THE WHITE HOUSE, July 14, 1939.
[Enclosure]
STATEMENT ON PEACE AND NEUTRALITY BY THE
SECRETARY OF STATE
The cornerstone of the foreign policy of the
United States is the preservation of the peace and security of our nation, the
strengthening of international law, and the revitalization of international
good faith. The foreign policy of this Government may be misinterpreted or it
may be misunderstood, but it cannot be destroyed. Peace is so precious and war
so devastating that the people of the United States and their Government must
not fail to make their just and legitimate contribution to the preservation of
peace.
The Congress has pending before it at the
present time certain proposals providing for the amendment of the existing
so-called neutrality legislation. Some of these proposed changes I regard as
necessary to promote the peace and security of the United States.
There is an astonishing amount of confusion
and misunderstanding as regards the legislation under consideration, and
particularly with regard to the operation of the existing arms embargo.
I shall try to bring out as clearly as I can
the important points of agreement and disagreement between those who support
the principles contained in the six point peace and neutrality program
recommended
468
DOCUMENTS
by the Executive branch of the Government and those who oppose these
recommendations.
In substance and in principle both sides of
the discussion agree on the following points:
1. Both sides agree that the first concern of
the United States must be its own peace and security.
2. Both sides agree that it should be the
policy of this Government to avoid being drawn into wars between other nations.
3. Both sides agree that this nation should at
all times avoid entangling alliances or involvements with other nations.
4. Both sides agree that in the event of
foreign wars this nation should maintain a status of strict neutrality, and
that around the structure of neutrality we should so shape our policies as to
keep this country from being drawn into war.
On the other hand, the following is the chief
essential point of disagreement between those who favor the adoption of the
recommendations formulated by the Executive branch of the Government and those
who are opposing these recommendations:
The proponents, including the Executive
branch of the Government, at the time when the arms embargo was originally
adopted called attention to the fact that its enactment constituted a hazardous
departure from the principle of international law which recognizes the right of
neutrals to trade with belligerents and of belligerents to trade with neutrals.
They believe that neutrality means impartiality, and in their view an arms
embargo is directly opposed to the idea of neutrality. It is not humanly
possible, by enacting an arms embargo, or by refraining from such enactment, to
hold the scales exactly even between two belligerents. In either case and due
to shifting circumstances one belligerent may find itself in a position of
relative advantage or disadvantage. The important difference between the two
cases is that when such a condition arises in the absence of an arms embargo on
our part, no responsibility attaches to this country, whereas in the presence
of an embargo, the responsibility of this country for the creation of the
condition is inevitably direct and clear.
There is no theory or practice to be found in
international law pertaining to neutrality to the effect that the advantages
that any particular belligerent might procure through its geographic location,
its superiority on land or at sea, or through other circumstances, should be
offset by the establishment by neutral nations of embargoes.
The opposition to the present substitute
proposal joins issue on this point, and stands for existing rigid embargo as a
permanent
469
DOCUMENTS
part of our neutrality policy. And yet by insisting on an arms embargo in
time of war they are, to that extent, for the reasons I have stated, urging not
neutrality, but what might well result in actual unneutrality, the serious
consequences of which no one can predict.
Those who urge the retention of the present
embargo continue to advance the view that it will keep this country out of
war,—thereby misleading the American people to rely upon a false and illogical
delusion as a means of keeping out of war.
I say it is illogical, because while the
trade in "arms, ammunition and implements of war" is at present
banned, the trade in equally essential war materials, as well as all the
essential materials out of which the finished articles are made can continue.
For example, in time of war, we can sell cotton for the manufacture of
explosives, but not the explosives; we can sell the steel and copper for
cannon; and for shells but not the cannon nor the shells; we can continue to
sell to belligerents the high-powered fuel necessary for the operation of
airplanes, but we are not able to sell the airplanes.
I say it is a false delusion because a
continuation of the trade in arms is a clearly recognized and traditional right
of the nationals of a neutral country in time of war, subject only to effective
blockade and to the right of belligerents to treat any such commodities as
contraband. The assertion frequently made that this country has ever engaged or
may become engaged in serious controversy solely over the fact that its
nationals have sold arms to belligerents is misleading and unsupportable. All
available evidence is directly to the contrary. Every informed person knows that
arms, as absolute contraband, are subject to seizure by a belligerent and that
neither the neutral shipper nor his government has the slightest ground for
complaint. There is, therefore, no reason to suppose that the sale of arms may
lead to serious controversy between a neutral and a belligerent. Furthermore,
under the proposals that have been made American nationals would be divested of
all right, title and interest in these and other commodities before they leave
our shores and American citizens and ships would be kept out of danger zones.
As regards possible complications which might arise as a result of the
extension of credits to belligerents or of extraordinary profits accruing to
any group of producers in this country, it is wholly within the power of
Congress at all times to safeguard the national interest in this respect.
Controversies which would involve the United
States are far more likely to arise from the entrance of American ships or
American citizens in the danger zones or through the sinking on the high seas
470
DOCUMENTS
of American vessels carrying commodities other than those covered by the
arms embargo. In the recommendations formulated by the Executive as a
substitute for the present legislation it was especially urged that provisions
be adopted which would exclude American nationals and American ships from zones
where real danger to their safety might exist and which would divest goods of
American ownership, thereby minimizing to the fullest extent the danger of
American involvement.
Those of us who support the recommendations
formulated for the elimination of the embargo are convinced that the arms
embargo plays into the hands of those nations which have taken the lead in
building up their fighting power. It works directly against the interests of
the peace-loving nations, especially those which do not possess their own
munitions plants. It means that if any country is disposed towards conquest,
and devotes its energy and resources to establish itself as a superior fighting
power, that country may be more tempted to try the fortunes of war if it knows
that its less well prepared opponents would be shut off from those supplies
which, under every rule of international law, they should be able to buy in all
neutral countries, including the United States. It means also that some of
those countries which have only limited facilities the production of arms,
ammunition and implements of war are put in a position of increased dependence.
During peace-time they would feel the compulsion of shaping their political as
well as their economic policy to suit the military strength of others; and
during wartime their powers of defense would be limited.
For these reasons those who are supporting
the recommendations for the amendment of existing legislation recognize
definitely that the present embargo encourages a general state of war both in
Europe and Asia. Since the present embargo has this effect its results are
directly prejudicial to the highest interests and to the peace and to the
security of the United States.
In the present grave conditions of
international anarchy and of danger to peace, in more than one part of the
world, I profoundly l believe that the first great step towards safeguarding
this nation from being drawn into war is to use whatever influence it can,
compatible with the traditional policy of our country of non-involvement, so as
to make less likely the outbreak of a major war. This is a duty placed upon our
Government which some may fail to perceive or l choose to reject. But it must
be clear to every one of us that the outbreak of a general war increases the
dangers confronting the United States. This fact cannot be ignored.
471
DOCUMENTS
I would emphasize that the course proposed
through the substitute legislation recommended by the Executive is consistent
with the rules of international law and with the policy of our own country over
a period of 150 years. The basis for the recommendations made is the firm
intention of keeping this country from being drawn into war. If there existed
any desire to assist or to injure particular foreign countries this Government
would not have been endeavoring persistently, within the limitations of our
traditional policy, over a period of many years to do its utmost to avoid the
outbreak of a general war. I earnestly hope that the Congress will lend the
fullest measure of its cooperation in the endeavor to avoid war in the first
place and to place this country in a position of the greatest security
possible, should war break out. In the tragic event that peace efforts fail and
that a major war occurs, there will be general agreement within the United
States that every effort must be exerted to keep this country from being drawn
therein.
I must also refer to the impression
sedulously created to the effect that the sale of arms, munitions and
implements of war by this country is immoral and that on this ground it should
be suppressed in time of war.
As a matter of fact almost all sales of arms
and ammunition made in recent years by our nationals have been made to
governments whose policies have been dedicated to the maintenance of peace, but
who have felt the necessity of creating or of augmenting their means of
national self-defense, thereby protecting otherwise helpless men, women and children
in the event that other powers resort to war. In the face of the present
universal danger all countries, including our own, feel the necessity of
increasing armament, and small countries in particular are dependent upon
countries like the United States which have the capacity to produce armaments.
Our refusal to make it possible for them to obtain such means of necessary
self-defense in a time of grave emergency, would contribute solely towards
making more helpless the law-abiding and peace-devoted peoples of the world. If
such action is moral, and if, on the contrary, sales of the means of
self-defense for the protection of peaceful and law-abiding peoples are
immoral, then a new definition of morality and immorality must be written. This
task might be left to the proponents of the arms embargo.
I must also refer to another impression
created by propaganda to the effect that the abandonment of the arms embargo
would increase power of action on the part of the Executive branch of the
Government and conversely that the maintenance of the embargo would
472
DOCUMENTS
serve as an additional check on the powers of the Executive. It is
difficult to see how either of these propositions could possibly hold true. An
impartial granting of access to American markets to all countries without
distinction gives the Executive no additional power to choose among them and to
commit this country to any line of policy or action which may lead it either
into a dangerous controversy or into war with any foreign power.
The legislative proposals which were
recommended to the Congress through the communications which I transmitted to
Senator Pittman and to Congressman Bloom on May 27 providing for the
safeguarding of our nation to the fullest possible extent from incurring the
risks of involvement in war contemplate the elimination of the existing arms
embargo and are as follows:
(1) To prohibit American ships from entering
combat areas;
(2) To restrict travel by American citizens
in combat areas;
(3) To require that goods exported from the
United States to belligerent countries shall be preceded by the transfer of
title to the foreign purchasers;
(4) To continue the existing legislation
respecting loans and credits to belligerent nations;
(5) To regulate the solicitation and
collection in this country of funds for belligerents; and
(6) To continue the National Munitions
Control Board and the licensing system with respect to the importation and
exportation of arms, ammunition, and implements of war.
This six-point program was the best that
could be devised after much painstaking thought and study, and after many
conferences with members of the Congress, of how best to keep this country out
of a conflict should it arise. It rests primarily on the established rules of international
law, plus the curtailment of certain rights of our nationals, the exercise of
which is permitted under international law but which might lead to
controversies with belligerents an eventual involvement in foreign wars.
There has thus been offered as a substitute
for the present act a far broader and more effective set of provisions, which
in no conceivable sense could breed trouble but which to a far greater extent
than the present act would both aid in making less likely a general war, and, while
keeping strictly within the limits of neutrality reduce as far as possible the
risk of this nation of being drawn into war if war comes.
In connection with our foreign affairs, I
think all must agree
473
DOCUMENTS
that, unless a spirit of collaboration and cooperation characterizes the
relations between the Executive and Legislative departments of the Government,
the peace and other vital interests of this country will inevitably be
jeopardized.
Having spent the best years of my life as a
member of the two Houses of Congress, I have the warmest feeling of
friendliness toward the membership of, and the greatest respect for, the
Legislative Department, and, in that spirit, I earnestly hope for the closest
possible cooperation in matters affecting our country's best interests and its
security in the present grave international situation.
At this time when critical conditions obtain
throughout the greater part of the world I am sure that we are all equally
persuaded that while the fullest measure of constructive criticism is helpful
and desirable, and is of course most welcome, partisanship should play no part
in the determination of the foreign policy of this country.
In the present situation of danger a peaceful
nation like ours cannot complacently close its eyes and ears in formulating a
peace and neutrality policy, as though abnormal and critical conditions did not
exist. The entire question of peace and neutrality at this serious juncture in
its possible effects upon the safety and the interest of the United States
during coming months is of the utmost importance. This question should, in my
judgment, receive full and careful consideration and be acted upon by this
Government without unnecessary or undue delay.
CORDELL HULL