This file is a collection of diplomatic and policy statement concerning World War II. Please send errata and additional materials to: Larry W. Jewell jewell@mace.cc.purdue.edu Date of this edition: 31 August 1993. ********************************************************************* Section [aa] SOME DOCUMENTS RELEVANT TO GERMANY'S INVASION OF POLAND AND RESPONSE TO GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM. ********************************************************************* Section [bb] SOME DOCUMENTS RELEVANT TO GREAT BRITAIN'S RESPONSE TO GERMANY'S INVASION OF POLAND. ********************************************************************* Section [cc] SOME DOCUMENTS RELEVANT TO FRANCE'S RESPONSE TO GERMANY'S INVASION OF POLAND. ********************************************************************* Section [dd] SOME DOCUMENTS RELEVANT TO THE ALLIANCE OF GERMANY, JAPAN, AND ITALY DURING WORLD WAR II. ********************************************************************* Section [ee] DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE PARTITION OF POLAND BY GERMANY AND THE SOVIET UNION. ********************************************************************* Section [ff] SOVIET-JAPANESE NEUTRALITY AND DENUNCIATION. ********************************************************************* Section [gg] THE ATLANTIC CHARTER ********************************************************************* Section [hh] President Roosevelt's Address to Congress and Congressional Declaration of War on Japan. ********************************************************************* Section [ii] President Roosevelt's Address to Congress and Congressional Declaration of War on Germany ********************************************************************* Section [jj] President Roosevelt's public statement regarding his conference at Casablanca with Winston Churchill. ********************************************************************* Section [kk] F. D. ROOSEVELT'S STATEMENT ON NORTH AFRICAN POLICY ********************************************************************* Section [ll] MOSCOW CONFERENCE, October, 1943 ********************************************************************* Section [mm] YALTA (CRIMEA) CONFERENCE, February, 1945 ********************************************************************* Section [nn] THE GERMAN SURRENDER DOCUMENTS - WWII: ********************************************************************* Section [oo] THE JAPANESE SURRENDER DOCUMENTS - WWII: ********************************************************************* Section [aa] SOME DOCUMENTS RELEVANT TO GERMANY'S INVASION OF POLAND AND RESPONSE TO GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM. The file contains the following documents in the order of appearance in the file: (1)Proclamation by Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, to the German Army, September 1,19139. (2) Address by Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, before the Reichstag, September 1, 1939. (3) Communication from the German Government to the British Government, Handed to Joachim von Ribbentrop, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to the British Ambassador (Sir Neville Henderson) at 11:20 A.M., September 3, 1939 (4) Proclamation by Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, to the German People, September 3, 1939. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (1) Proclamation by Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, to the German Army, September 1,19139. The Polish State has refused the peaceful settlement of relations which I desired, and has appealed to arms. Germans in Poland are persecuted with bloody terror and driven from their houses. A series of violations of the frontier, intolerable to a great Power, prove that Poland is no longer willing to respect the frontier of the Reich. In order to put an end to this lunacy, I have no other choice than to meet force with force from now on. The German Army will fight the battle for the honour and the vital rights of reborn Germany with hard determination. I expect that every soldier, mindful of the great traditions of eternal German soldiery, will ever remain conscious that he is a representative of the National-Socialist Greater Germany. Long live our people and our Reich! ---------------------------------------------------------------- (2) Address by Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, before the Reichstag, September 1, 1939. For months we have been suffering under the torture of a problem which the Versailles Diktat created - a problem which has deteriorated until it becomes intolerable for us. Danzig was and is a German city. The Corridor was and is German. Both these territories owe their cultural development exclusively to the German people. Danzig was separated from us, the Corridor was annexed by Poland. As in other German territories of the East, all German minorities living there have been ill-treated in the most distressing manner. More than 1,000,000 people of German blood had in the years 1919-1920 to leave their homeland. As always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It is a lie when the outside world says that we only tried to carry through our revisions by pressure. Fifteen years before the National Socialist Party came to power there was the opportunity of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and understanding. On my own initiative I have, not once but several times, made proposals for the revision of intolerable conditions. All these proposals, as you know, have been rejected - proposals for limitation of armaments and even, if necessary, disarmament, proposals for limitation of warmaking, proposals for the elimination of certain methods of modern warfare. You know the proposals that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring German sovereignty over German territories. You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding of the problem of Austria, and later of the problem of the Sudetenland, Bohemia, and Moravia. It was all in vain. It is impossible to demand that an impossible position should be cleared up by peaceful revision and at the same time constantly reject peaceful revision. It is also impossible to say that he who undertakes to carry out these revisions for himself transgresses a law, since the Versailles Diktat is not law to us. A signature was forced out of us with pistols at our head and with the threat of hunger for millions of people. And then this document, with our signature, obtained by force, was proclaimed as a solemn law. In the same way, I have also tried to solve the problem of Danzig, the Corridor, etc., by proposing a peaceful discussion. That the problems had to be solved was clear. It is quite understandable to us that the time when the problem was to be solved had little interest for the Western Powers. But that time is not a matter of indifference to us. Moreover, it was not and could not be a matter of indifference to those who suffer most. In my talks with Polish statesmen I discussed the ideas which you recognize from my last speech to the Reichstag. No one could say that this was in any way an inadmissible procedure on undue pressure. I then naturally formulated at last the German proposals, and I must once more repeat that there is nothing more modest or loyal than these proposals. I should like to say this to the world. I alone was in the position to make such proposal, for I know very well that in doing so I brought myself into opposition to millions of Germans. These proposals have been refused. Not only were they answered first with mobilization, but with increased terror and pressure against our German compatriots and with a slow strangling of the Free City of Danzig - economically, politically, and in recent weeks by military and transport means. Poland has directed its attacks against the Free City of Danzig. Moreover, Poland was not prepared to settle the Corridor question in a reasonable way which would be equitable to both parties, and she did not think of keeping her obligations to minorities. I must here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted. No Frenchman can stand up and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured, or deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this. For four months I have calmly watched developments, although I never ceased to give warnings. In the last few days I have increased these warnings. I informed the Polish Ambassador three weeks ago that if Poland continued to send to Danzig notes in the form of ultimata, and if on the Polish side an end was not put to Customs measures destined to ruin Danzig's trade, then the Reich could not remain inactive. I left no doubt that people who wanted to compare the Germany of to-day with the former Germany would be deceiving themselves. An attempt was made to justify the oppression of the Germans by claiming that they had committed acts of provocation. I do not know in what these provocations on the part of women and children consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in some cases killed. One thing I do know - that no great Power can with honour long stand by passively and watch such events. I made one more final effort to accept a proposal for mediation on the part of the British Government. They proposed, not that they themselves should carry on the negotiations, but rather that Poland and Germany should come into direct contact and once more pursue negotiations. I must declare that I accepted this proposal, and I worked out a basis for these negotiations which are known to you. For two whole days I sat in my Government and waited to see whether it was convenient for the Polish Government to send a plenipotentiary or not. Last night they did not send us a plenipotentiary, but instead informed us through their Ambassador that they were still considering whether and to what extent they were in a position to go into the British proposals. The Polish Government also said that they would inform Britain of their decision. Deputies, if the German Government and its Leader patiently endured such treatment Germany would deserve only to disappear from the political stage. But I am wrongly judged if my love of peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or even cowardice. I, therefore, decided last night and informed the British Government that in these circumstances I can no longer find any willingness on the part of the Polish Government to conduct serious negotiations with us. These proposals for mediation have failed because in the meanwhile there, first of all, came as an answer the sudden Polish general mobilization, followed by more Polish atrocities. These were again repeated last night. Recently in one night there were as many as twenty-one frontier incidents: last night there were fourteen, of which three were quite serious. I have, therefore, resolved to speak to Poland in the same language that Poland for months past has used toward us. This attitude on the part of the Reich will not change. The other European States understand in part our attitude. I should like here above all to thank Italy, which throughout has supported us, but you will understand that for the carrying on of this struggle we do not intend to appeal to foreign help. We will carry out this task ourselves. The neutral States have assured us of their neutrality, just as we had already guaranteed it to them. When statesmen in the West declare that this affects their interests, I can only regret such a declaration. It cannot for a moment make me hesitate to fulfill my duty. What more is wanted? I have solemnly assured them, and I repeat it, that we ask nothing of those Western States and never will ask anything. I have declared that the frontier between France and Germany is a final one. I have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation to Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only. It must find response on the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, and our western wall is for all time the frontier of the Reich on the west. Moreover, we have no aims of any kind there for the future. With this assurance we are in solemn earnest, and as long as others do not violate their neutrality we will likewise take every care to respect it. I am happy particularly to be able to tell you of one event. You know that Russia and Germany are governed by two different doctrines. There was only one question that had to be cleared up. Germany has no intention of exporting its doctrine. Given the fact that Soviet Russia has no intention of exporting its doctrine to Germany. I no longer see any reason why we should still oppose one another. On both sides we are clear on that. Any struggle between our people would only be of advantage to others. We have, therefore, resolved to conclude a pact which rules out for ever any use of violence between us. It imposes the obligation on us to consult together in certain European questions. It makes possible for us economic co-operation, and above all it assures that the powers of both these powerful States are not wasted against one another. Every attempt of the West to bring about any change in this will fail. At the same time I should like here to declare that this political decision means a tremendous departure for the future, and that it is a final one. Russia and Germany fought against one another in the World War. That shall and will not happen a second time. In Moscow, too, this pact was greeted exactly as you greet it. I can only endorse word for word the speech of Russian Foreign Commissar, Molotov. I am determined to solve (1) the Danzig question; (2) the question of the Corridor; and (3) to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Poland that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Polish government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Polish Government is ready to do so. I am resolved t remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers. In this I will take the necessary measures to se that they do not contradict the proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If, however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight. This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our territory. Since 5.45 A.M. we have been returning the fire, and from now on bombs will be met by bombs. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured. For six years now I have been working on the building up of the German defenses. Over 90 millions have in that time been spent on the building up of these defense forces. They are now the best equipped and are above all comparison with what they were in 1914. My trust in them is unshakable. When I called up these forces and when I now ask sacrifices of the German people and if necessary every sacrifice, then I have a right to do so, for I also am to-day absolutely ready, just as we were formerly, to make every possible sacrifice. I am asking of no German man more than I myself was ready throughout four years at any time to do. There will be no hardships for Germans to which I myself will not submit. My whole life henceforth belongs more than ever to my people. I am from now on just first soldier of the German Reich. I have once more put on that coat that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will not take it off again until victory is secured, or I will not survive the outcome. Should anything happen to me in the struggle then my first successor is Party Comrade Goring; should anything happen to Party Comrade Goring my next successor is Party Comrade Hess. You would then be under obligation to give to them as Fuhrer the same blind loyalty and obedience as to myself. Should anything happen to Party Comrade Hess, then by law the Senate will be called, and will choose from its midst the most worthy - that is to say the bravest - successor. As a National Socialist and as German soldier I enter upon this struggle with a stout heart. My whole life has been nothing but one long struggle for my people, for its restoration, and for Germany. There was only one watchword for that struggle: faith in this people. One word I have never learned: that is, surrender. If, however, anyone thinks that we are facing a hard time, I should ask him to remember that once a Prussian King, with a ridiculously small State, opposed a stronger coalition, and in three wars finally came out successful because that State had that stout heart that we need in these times. I would, therefore, like to assure all the world that a November 1918 will never be repeated in German history. Just as I myself am ready at any time to stake my life - anyone can take it for my people and for Germany - so I ask the same of all others. Whoever, however, thinks he can oppose this national command, whether directly of indirectly, shall fall. We have nothing to do with traitors. We are all faithful to our old principle. It is quite unimportant whether we ourselves live, but it is essential that our people shall live, that Germany shall live. The sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice that many generations have made. If we form a community closely bound together by vows, ready for anything, resolved never to surrender, then our will will master every hardship and difficulty. And I would like to close with the declaration that I once made when I began the struggle for power in the Reich. I then said: "If our will is so strong that no hardship and suffering can subdue it, then our will and our German might shall prevail." ---------------------------------------------------------------- (3) Communication from the German Government to the British Government, Handed to Joachim von Ribbentrop, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to the British Ambassador (Sir Neville Henderson) at 11:20 A.M., September 3, 1939 The German Government have received the British Government's ultimatum of the 3rd September, 1939. They have the honour to reply as follows: - 1. The German Government and the German people refuse to receive, accept, let alone to fulfill, demands in the nature of ultimata made by the British Government. 2. On our eastern frontier there has for many months already reigned a condition of war. Since the time when the Versailles Treaty first tore Germany to pieces, all and every peaceful settlement was refused to all German Governments. The National Socialist Government also has since the year 1933 tried again and again to remove by peaceful negotiations the worst rapes and breaches of justice of this treaty. The British Government have been among those who, by their intransigent attitude, took the chief part in frustrating every practical revision. Without the intervention of the British Government - of this the German Government and German people are fully conscious - a reasonable solution doing justice to both sides would certainly have been found between Germany and Poland. For Germany did not have the intention nor had she raised the demands of annihilating Poland. The Reich demanded only the revision of those articles of the Versailles Treaty which already at the time of the formulation of that Dictate had been described by understanding statesmen of all nations as being in the long run unbearable, and therefore impossible for a great nation and also for the entire political and economic interests of Eastern Europe. British statesmen, too, declared the solution in the East which was then forced upon Germany as containing the germ of future wars. To remove this danger was the desire of all German Governments and especially the intention of the new National Socialist People's Government. The blame for having prevented this peaceful revision lies with the British Cabinet policy. 3. The British Government have - an occurrence unique in history - given the Polish State full powers for all actions against Germany which that State might conceivably intend to undertake. The British Government assured the Polish Government of their military support in all circumstances, should Germany defend herself against any provocation or attack. Thereupon the Polish terror against the Germans living in the territories which had been torn from Germany immediately assumed unbearable proportions. The Free City of Danzig was, in violation of all legal provisions, first threatened with destruction economically and by measures of customs policy, and was finally subjected to a military blockade and its communications strangled. All these violations of the Danzig Statute, which were well known to the British Government, were approved and covered by the blank cheque given to Poland. The German Government, though moved by the sufferings of the German population which was being tortured and treated in an inhuman manner, nevertheless remained a patient onlooker for five months, without undertaking even on one single occasion any similar aggressive action against Poland. They only warned Poland that these happenings would in the long run be unbearable, and that they were determined, in the event of no other kind of assistance being given to this population, to help them themselves. All these happenings were known in every detail to the British Government. It would have been easy for them to use their great influence in Warsaw in order to exhort those in power there to exercise justice and humaneness and to keep to the existing obligations. The British Government did not do this. On the contrary, in emphasizing their obligation to assist Poland under all circumstances, they actually encouraged the Polish Government to continue in their criminal attitude which was threatening the peace of Europe. In this spirit, the British Government rejected the proposal of Signor Mussolini, which might still have been able to save the peace of Europe, in spite of the fact that the German Government had declared their willingness to agree to it. The British Government, therefore, bear the responsibility for all the unhappiness and misery which have now overtaken and are about to overtake many peoples. 4. After all efforts at finding and concluding a peaceful solution had been rendered impossible by the intransigence of the Polish Government covered as they were by England, after the conditions resembling civil war, which had existed already for months at the eastern frontier of the Reich, had gradually developed into open attacks on German territory, without the British Government raising any objections, the German Government determined to put an end to this continual threat, unbearable for a great Power, to the external and finally also to the internal peace of the German people, and to end it by those means which, since the Democratic Governments had in effect sabotaged all other possibilities of revision, alone remained at their disposal for the defence of the peace, security and honour of the Germans. The last attack of the Poles threatening Reich territory they answered with similar measures. The German Government do not intend, on account of any sort of British intentions or obligations in the East, to tolerate conditions which are identical with those conditions which we observe in Palestine, which is under British protection. The German people, however, above all do not intend to allow themselves to be ill-treated by Poles. 5. The German Government, therefore, reject the attempts to force Germany, by means of a demand having the character of an ultimatum, to recall its forces which are lined up for the defence of the Reich, and thereby to accept the old unrest and the old injustice. The threat that, failing this, they will fight Germany in the war, corresponds to the intention proclaimed for years past by numerous British politicians. The German Government and the German people have assured the English people countless times how much they desire an understanding, indeed close friendship, with them. If the British Government hitherto always refused these offers and now answer with an open threat of war, it is not the fault of the German people and their Government, but exclusively the fault of the British Cabinet or of those men who for years have been preaching the destruction and extermination of the German people. The German people and their Government do not, like Great Britain, intend to dominate the world, but they are determined to defend their own liberty, their independence and above all their life. The intention, communicated to us by order of the British Government by Mr. King-Hall, of carrying the destruction of the German people even further than was done through the Versailles Treaty is taken note of by us, and we shall therefore answer any aggressive action on the part of England with the same weapons and in the same form. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (4) Proclamation by Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, to the German People, September 3, 1939. Great Britain has for centuries pursued the aim of rendering the peoples of Europe defenseless against the British policy of world conquest by proclaiming a balance of power, in which Great Britain claimed the right to attack on threadbare pretexts and destroy that European State which at the moment seemed most dangerous. Thus, at one time, she fought the world power of Spain, later the Dutch, then the French, and, since 1871, the German. We ourselves have been witnesses of the policy of encirclement which has been carried on by Great Britain against Germany since before the war. Just as the German nation had begun, under its National Socialist leadership, to recover from the frightful consequences of the Diktat of Versailles, and threatened to survive the crisis, the British encirclement immediately began once more. The British war inciters spread the lie before the War that the battle was only against the House of Hohenzollern or German militarism; that they had no designs on German colonies; that they had no intention of taking the German mercantile fleet. They then oppressed the German people under the Versailles Diktat the faithful fulfillment of which would have sooner or later exterminated 20 million Germans. I undertook to mobilize the resistance of the German nation against this, and to assure work and bread for them. But as the peaceful revision of the Versailles Diktat of force seemed to be succeeding, and the German people again began to live, the new British encirclement policy was resumed. The same lying inciters appeared as in 1914. I have many times offered Great Britain and the British people the understanding and friendship of the German people. My whole policy was based on the idea of this understanding. I have always been repelled. I had for years been aware that the aim of these war inciters had for long been to take Germany by surprise at a favourable opportunity. I am more firmly determined than ever to beat back this attack. Germany shall not again capitulate. There is no sense in sacrificing one life after another and submitting to an even worse Versailles Diktat. We have never been a nation of slaves and will not be one in the future. Whatever Germans in the past had to sacrifice for the existence of our realm, they shall not be greater than those which we are to-day prepared to make. This resolve is an inexorable one. It necessitates the most thorough measures, and imposes on us one law above all others: If the soldier is fighting at the front, no one shall profit by the war. If the soldier falls at the front no one at home shall evade his duty. As long as the German people was united it has never been conquered. It was the lack of unity in 1918 that led to collapse. Whoever offends against this unity need expect nothing else than annihilation as an enemy of the nation. If our people fulfills its highest duty in this sense, that God will help us who has always bestowed His mercy on him who was determined to help himself. End Section [aa] ********************************************************************* Section [bb] SOME DOCUMENTS RELEVANT TO GREAT BRITAIN'S RESPONSE TO GERMANY'S INVASION OF POLAND. The file contains the following documents in the order of appearance in the file: (1) Address by Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister, in the House of Commons, September 1, 1939. (2) Address by Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister, in the House of Commons, September 3, 1939. (3) Radio Address by Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister, September 3, 1939. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (1) Address by Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister, in the House of Commons, September 1, 1939. I do not propose to say many word to-night. The time has come when action rather than speech is required. Eighteen months ago in this House I prayed that the responsibility might not fall upon me to ask this country to accept the awful arbitrament of war. I fear that I may not be able to avoid that responsibility. But, at any rate, I cannot wish for conditions in which such a burden should fall upon me in which I should feel clearer than I do to-day as to where my duty lies. No man can say that the Government could have done more to try to keep open the way for an honorable and equitable settlement of the dispute between Germany and Poland. Nor have we neglected any means of making it crystal clear to the German Government that if they insisted on using force again in the manner in which they had used it in the past we were resolved to oppose them by force. Now that all the relevant documents are being made public we shall stand at the bar of history knowing that the responsibility for this terrible catastrophe lies on the shoulders of one man - the German Chancellor, who has not hesitated to plunge the world into misery in order to serve his own senseless ambitions. I would like to thank the House for the forbearance which they have shown on two recent occasions for not demanding from me information which they recognized I could not give while these negotiations were still in progress. I have now had all the correspondence with the German Government put into the form of a White Paper. On account of mechanical difficulties I am afraid there are still but a few copies available, but I understand that they will be coming in in relays while the House is sitting. I do no think it necessary for me to refer in detail now to these documents, which are already past history. They make it perfectly clear that our object has been to try and bring about discussions of the Polish-German dispute between the two countries themselves on terms of equality, the settlement to be one which safeguards the independence of Poland and of which the due observance would be secured by international guarantees. There is just one passage from a recent communication, which is dated the 30th August, which I should like to quote, because it show how easily the final clash might have been avoided had there been the least desire on the part of the German Government to arrive at a peaceful settlement. In this document we said: "His Majesty's Government fully recognize the need for speed in the initiation of discussions and they share the apprehensions of the Chancellor arising from the proximity of two mobilized armies standing face to face. They would accordingly most strongly urge that both parties should undertake that during the negotiations no aggressive military movements should take place. His Majesty's Government feel confident that they could obtain such an undertaking from the Polish Government if the German Government would give similar assurances." That telegram, which was repeated in Poland, brought an instantaneous reply from the Polish Government, dated the 31st August, in which they said: - "The Polish Government are also prepared on a reciprocal basis to give a formal guarantee in the event of negotiations taking place that Polish troops will not violate the frontiers of the German Reich provided a corresponding guarantee is given regarding the non-violation of the frontiers of Poland by troops of the German Reich." We never had a reply from the German Government to that suggestion, one which, if it had been followed, might have saved the catastrophe which took place this morning. In the German broadcast last night, which recited the 16 points of the proposals which they have put forward, there occurred this sentence: - "In these circumstances the Reich Government considers its proposals rejected." I must examine that statement. I must tell the House what are the circumstances. To begin with let me say that the text of these proposals has never been communicated by Germany to Poland at all. The history of the matter is this. On Tuesday, the 29th August, in replying to a Note which we had sent to them, the German Government said, among other things, that they would immediately draw up proposals for a solution acceptable to themselves and "...will, if possible, place these at the disposal of the British Government before the arrival of the Polish negotiator." It will be seen by examination of the White Paper that the German Government had stated that they counted upon the arrival of a plenipotentiary from Poland in Berlin on the 30th that is to say, on the following day. In the meantime, of course, we were awaiting these proposals. The next evening, when our Ambassador saw Herr von Ribbentrop, the German Foreign Secretary, he urged upon the latter that when these proposals were ready - for we had heard no more about them - he should invite the Polish Ambassador to call and should hand him the proposals for transmission to his Government. Thereupon, reports our Ambassador, in the most violent terms Herr von Ribbentrop said he would never ask the Ambassador to visit him. He hinted that if the Polish Ambassador asked him for an interview it might be different. The House will see that this was on Wednesday night, which according to the German Statement of last night, is now claimed to be the final date after which no negotiation with Poland was acceptable. It is plain, therefore, that Germany claims to treat Poland as in the wrong because she had not by Wednesday night entered upon discussions with Germany about a set of proposals of which she had never heard. Now what of ourselves? On that Wednesday night, at the interview to which I have just referred, Herr von Ribbentrop produced a lengthy document which he read out in German aloud, at top speed. Naturally, after this reading our Ambassador asked for a copy of the document, but the reply was that it was now too late, as the Polish representative had not arrived in Berlin by midnight. And so, Sir, we never got a copy of those proposals, and the first time we heard them - WE heard them - was on the broadcast last night. Well, Sir, those are the circumstances in which the German Government said that they would consider that their negotiations were rejected. Is it not clear that their conception of a negotiation was that on almost instantaneous demand a Polish plenipotentiary should go to Berlin - where others had been before him - and should there receive a statement of demands to be accepted in their entirety or refused? I am not pronouncing any opinion upon the terms themselves, for I do not feel called upon to do so. The proper course, in our view - in the view of all of us - was that these proposals should have been put before the Poles, who should have been given time to consider them and to say whether, in their opinion, they did or did not infringe those vital interests of Poland which Germany had assured us on a previous occasion she intended to respect. Only last night the Polish Ambassador did see the German Foreign Secretary, Herr von Ribbentrop. Once again he expressed to him what, indeed, the Polish Government had already said publicly, that they were willing to negotiate with Germany about their disputes on an equal basis. What was the reply of the German Government? The reply was that without another word the German troops crossed the Polish frontier this morning at dawn and are since reported to be bombing open towns. In these circumstances there is only one course open to us. His Majesty's Ambassador in Berlin and the French Ambassador have been instructed to hand to the German Government the following document: - "Early this morning the German Chancellor issued a proclamation to the German Army which indicated that he was about to attack Poland. Information which has reached His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom and the French Government indicates that attacks upon Polish towns are proceeding. In these circumstances it appears to the Governments of the United Kingdom and France that by their action the German Government have created conditions, namely, an aggressive act of force against Poland threatening the independence of Poland, which call for the implementation by the Government of the United Kingdom and France of the undertaking to Poland to come to her assistance. I am accordingly to inform your Excellency that unless the German Government are prepared to give His Majesty's Government satisfactory assurances that the German Government have suspended all aggressive action against Poland and are prepared promptly to withdraw their forces from Polish territory, His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom will without hesitation fulfill their obligations to Poland." If a reply to this last warning is unfavorable, and I do not suggest that it is likely to be otherwise, His Majesty's Ambassador is instructed to ask for his passports. In that case we are ready. Yesterday, we took further steps towards the completion of our defensive preparation. This morning we ordered complete mobilization of the whole of the Royal Navy, Army and Royal Air Force. We have also taken an number of other measures, both at home and abroad, which the House will not perhaps expect me to specify in detail. Briefly, they represent the final steps in accordance with pre-arranged plans. These last can be put into force rapidly, and are of such a nature that they can be deferred until war seems inevitable. Steps have also been taken under the powers conferred by the House last week to safeguard the position in regard to stocks of commodities of various kinds. The thoughts of many of us must at this moment inevitably be turning back to 1914, and to a comparison of our position now with that which existed then. How do we stand this time? The answer is that all three Services are ready, and that the situation in all directions is far more favorable and reassuring than in 1914, while behind the fighting Services we have built up a vast organization of Civil Defense under our scheme of Air Raid Precautions. As regards the immediate man-power requirements, the Royal Navy, the Army and the Air Force are in the fortunate position of having almost as many men as they can conveniently handle at this moment. There are, however, certain categories of service in which men are immediately required, both for Military and Civil Defense. These will be announced in detail through the Press and the B.B.C. The main and most satisfactory point to observe is that there is today no need to make an appeal in a general way for recruits such as was issued by Lord Kitchener 25 years ago. That appeal has been anticipated by many months, and the men are already available. So much for the immediate present. Now we must look to the future. It is essential in the face of the tremendous task which confronts us, more especially in view of our past experiences in this matter, to organize our man-power this time upon as methodical, equitable and economical a basis as possible. We, therefore, propose immediately to introduce legislation directed to that end. A Bill will be laid before you which for all practical purposes will amount to an expansion of the Military Training Act. Under its operation all fit men between the ages of 18 and 41 will be rendered liable to military service if and when called upon. It is not intended at the outset that any considerable number of men other than those already liable shall be called up, and steps will be taken to ensure that the man-power essentially required by industry shall not be taken away. There is one other allusion which I should like to make before I end my speech, and that is to record my satisfaction of His Majesty's Government, that throughout these last days of crisis Signor Mussolini also has been doing his best to reach a solution. It now only remains for us to set our teeth and to enter upon this struggle, which we ourselves earnestly endeavored to avoid, with determination to see it through to the end. We shall enter it with a clear conscience, with the support of the Dominions and the British Empire, and the moral approval of the greater part of the world. We have no quarrel with the German people, except that they allow themselves to be governed by a Nazi Government. As long as that Government exists and pursues the methods it has so persistently followed during the last two years, there will be no peace in Europe. We shall merely pass from one crisis to another, and see one country after another attacked by methods which have now become familiar to us in their sickening technique. We are resolved that these methods must come to an end. If out of the struggle we again re- establish in the world the rules of good faith and the renunciation of force, why, then even the sacrifices that will be entailed upon us will find their fullest justification. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (2) Address by Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister, in the House of Commons, September 3, 1939. When I spoke last night to the House I could not but be aware that in some parts of the House there were doubts and some bewilderment as to whether there had been any weakening, hesitation or vacillation on the part of His Majesty's Government. In the circumstances, I make no reproach, for if I had been in the same position as hon. members not sitting on this Bench and not in possession of all the information we have, I should very likely have felt the same. The statement which I have to make this morning will show that there were no grounds for doubt. We were in consultation all day yesterday with the French Government and we felt that the intensified action which the Germans were taking against Poland allowed no delay in making our own position clear. Accordingly, we decided to send our Ambassador in Berlin instructions which he was to hand at 9 o'clock this morning to the German Foreign Secretary and which read as follows: - "Sir; "In the communication which I had the honour to make to you on the 1st September, I informed you, on the instructions of his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that unless the German Government were prepared to give His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom satisfactory assurances that the German Government had suspended all aggressive action against Polish territory, His Majesty's Government is the United Kingdom would, without hesitation, fulfill their obligation to Poland. "Although this communication was made more than twenty-four hours ago, no reply has been received but German attacks upon Poland have been continued and intensified. I have accordingly the honour to inform you that, unless not later than 11 A.M., British Summer Time, to-day 3rd September, satisfactory assurances to the above effect have been given by the German Government and have reached His Majesty's Government in London, a state of war will exist between the two countries as from that hour." That was the final Note. No such undertaking was received by the time stipulated, and, consequently, this country is at war with Germany. I am in a position to inform the House that, according to arrangements made between the British and French Governments, the French Ambassador in Berlin is at this moment making a similar demarche, accompanied also by a definite time limit. The House has already been made aware of our plans. As I said the other day, we are ready. This is a sad day for all of us, and to none is it sadder than to me. Everything that I have worked for, everything that I have hoped for, everything that I believed in during my public life, has crashed into ruins. There is only one thing left for me to do; that is, to devote what strength and powers I have to forwarding the victory of the cause for which we have to sacrifice so much. I cannot tell what part I may be allowed to ply myself; I trust I may live to see the day when Hitlerism has been destroyed and a liberated Europe has been reestablished. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (3) Radio Address by Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister, September 3, 1939. I am speaking to you from the Cabinet Room at 10, Downing Street. This morning the British Ambassador in Berlin handed the German Government a final Note stating that unless we heard from them by 11 o'clock that they were prepared at once to withdraw their troops from Poland a state of war would exist between us. I have to tell you now that no such undertaking has been received, and that consequently this country is at war with Germany. You can imagine what a bitter blow it is to me that all my long struggle to win peace has failed. Yet I cannot believe that there is anything more or anything different that I could have done and that would have been more successful. Up to the very last it would have been quite possible to have arranged a peaceful and honourable settlement between Germany and Poland. But Hitler would not have it. He had evidently made up his mind to attack Poland whatever happened, and although he now says he put forward reasonable proposals which were rejected by the Poles, that is not a true statement. The proposals were never shown to the Poles, nor to us, and, though they were announced in a German broadcast on Thursday night, Hitler did not wait to hear comments on them, but ordered his troops to cross the Polish frontier. His action shows convincingly that there is no chance of expecting that this man will ever give up his practice of using force to gain his will. He can only be stopped by force. We and France are to-day, in fulfillment of our obligations, going to the aid of Poland, who is so bravely resisting this wicked and unprovoked attack upon her people. We have a clear conscience. We have done all that any country could do to establish peace, but a situation in which no word given by Germany's ruler could be trusted and no people or country could feel themselves safe had become intolerable. And now that we have resolved to finish it, I know that you will all play your part with calmness and courage. As such a moment as this the assurances of support that we have received from the Empire are a source of profound encouragement to us. ...Now may God bless you all and may He defend the right. For it is evil things that we shall be fighting against, brute force, bad faith, injustice, oppression and persecution. And against them I am certain that the right will prevail. End Section [bb] ********************************************************************* Section [cc] SOME DOCUMENTS RELEVANT TO FRANCE'S RESPONSE TO GERMANY'S INVASION OF POLAND. The file contains the following documents in the order of appearance in the file: (1) Address by Edouard Daladier, Premier, in the Chamber of Deputies, September 2, 1939. (2) Telephone communication from Robert Coulondre, French Ambassador to Germany, to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs (Georges Bonnet), September 3, 1939 (3) Statement by Edouard Daladier, Premier, to the Nation, September 3, 1939 ---------------------------------------------------------------- (1) Address by Edouard Daladier, Premier, in the Chamber of Deputies, September 2, 1939. Gentlemen, The Government yesterday decreed general mobilization. The whole nation is answering the call with serious and resolute calm. The young men have rejoined their regiments. They are now defending our frontiers. The example of dignified courage which they have just set to the world must provide inspiration for our debates. In a great impulse of national brotherliness they have forgotten everything which only yesterday could divide them. They no longer acknowledge any service but the service of France. As we send them the grateful greeting of the nation let us all pledge ourselves together to be worthy of them. Thus has the Government put France into a position to act in accordance with our vital interests and with national honor. It has now the duty of setting forth before you the facts as they are, fully, frankly, and clearly. Peace had been endangered for several days. The demands of Germany on Poland were threatening to provoke a conflict. I shall show you in a moment how - perhaps for the first in time history - all the peaceful forces of the world, moral and material, were leagued together during those days and during those nights to save the world's peace. But just when it could still be hoped that all those repeated efforts were going to be crowned with success, Germany abruptly brought them to naught. During the day of August 31 the crisis reached its peak. When Germany had at last let Great Britain know that she agreed to hold direct negotiation with Poland, a course which she had , let it be said, refused to me, Poland, in spite of the terrible threat created by the sudden armed invasion of Slovakia by the German forces, at one endeavored to resort to this peaceful method. At one o'clock in the afternoon M. Lipski, the Polish Ambassador to Germany, requested an audience from Herr von Ribbentrop. Peace seemed to be saved. But the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs would not receive M. Lipski till 7:45 P.M., seven hours later. While the latter was bringing the consent of his Government to direct conversations, the German Minister refused to communicate Germany's claims to the Polish Ambassador, on the pretext that the Ambassador had not full powers to accept or reject them on the spot. At 9 P.M. the German wireless was communicating the nature and the full extent of these claims; it added that Poland had rejected them. That is a lie. That is a lie, since Poland did not even know them. And at dawn on September 1 the Fuhrer gave his troops the order to attack. Never was aggression more unmistakable and less warranted; nor for its justification could more lies and cynicism have been brought into play. Thus was wear unleashed at the time when the most noteworthy forces, the authorities who were at the same time the most respected and the most impartial, had ranged themselves in the service of peace; at the time when the whole world had joined together to induce the two sides to come into direct contact so as to settle peacefully the conflict which divides them. The Head of Christianity had given voice to reason and feelings of brotherhood; President Roosevelt had sent moving messages and proposed a general conference to all countries; the neutral countries had been active in offering their impartial good offices. Need I say that to each of these appeals the French Government gave an immediate welcome and complete assent? I myself, Gentlemen, if I may be allowed a reference to my own person, thought it my duty as a Frenchman to approach Herr Hitler directly. The Head of the German Government had let me know on August 25, through M. Coulondre, our Ambassador in Berlin, that he deplored the fact that in case of an armed conflict between Germany and Poland, German blood and French blood might be shed. I immediately had a definite proposal put to the Fuhrer, a proposal wholly inspired by the real concern to safeguard without any delay the peace of the world now imperiled. You were able to read, I think in fact that you must have read these texts. You know the answer I was given; I will not dwell on it. But we were not disheartened by the failure of this step, and once more we backed up the effort to which Mr. Chamberlain devoted himself with splendid stubbornness. The documents exchanged between London and Berlin have been published. On the one side impartial and persevering loyalty; on the other side, embarrassment, shifty and shirking behavior. I am also happy at this juncture to pay my tribute to the noble efforts made by the Italian Government. Even yesterday we strove to unite all men of goodwill so as at least to stave off hostilities, to prevent bloodshed and to ensure that the methods of conciliation and arbitration should be substituted for the use of violence. Gentlemen, these efforts towards peace, however powerless they were and still remain, will at least have shown where the responsibility lies. They insure for Poland, the victim, the effective co-operation and moral support of the nations and of free men of all lands. What we did before the beginning of this war, we are ready to do once more. If renewed steps are taken towards conciliation, we are still ready to join in. If the fighting were to stop, if the aggressor were to retreat within his own frontiers, if free negotiations could still be started, you may well believe, Gentlemen, the French Government would spare no effort to ensure, even today, if it were possible, the success of these negotiations, in the interests of the peace of the world. But the time is pressing; France and England cannot look on when a friendly nation is being destroyed, a foreboding of further onslaughts, eventually aimed at England and France. Indeed, are we only dealing with the German-Polish conflict? We are not, Gentlemen; what we have to deal with is a new stage in the advance of the Hitler dictatorship towards the domination of Europe and the world. How, indeed, are we to forget that the German claim to the Polish territories had been long marked on the map of Greater Germany, and that it was only concealed for some years to facilitate other conquests? so long as the German-Polish Pact, which dates back only a few years, was profitable to Germany, Germany respected it; on the day when it became a hindrance to marching towards domination it was denounced unhesitatingly. To-day we are told that, once the German claims against Poland were satisfied, Germany would pledge herself before the whole world for ten, for twenty, for twenty-five years, for all time, to restore or to respect peace. Unfortunately, we have heard such promises before! On May 25, 1935, Chancellor Hitler pledged himself not to interfere in the internal affairs of Austria and not to unite Austria to the Reich; and on March 11, 1938, the German army entered Vienna; Chancellor Shuschnigg was imprisoned for daring to defend his country's independence, and no one to-day can say what is his real fate after so many physical and moral sufferings. Now we are to believe that it was Dr. Schuschnigg's acts of provocation that brought about the invasion and enslavement of his country! On September 12, 1938, Herr Hitler declared that the Sudeten problem was an internal matter which concerned only the German minority in Bohemia and the Czechoslovak Government. A few days later he maintained that he violent persecutions carried on by the Czechs were compelling him to change his policy. On September 26 of the same year he declared that his claim on the Sudeten territory was the last territorial claim he had to make in Europe. On March 14, 1939, Herr Hacha was summoned to Berlin: ordered under the most stringent pressure to accept an ultimatum. A few hours later Prague was being occupied in contempt of the signed pledges given to other countries in Western Europe. In this case also Herr Hitler endeavored to put on the victims the onus which in fact lies on the aggressor. Finally, on January 30, 1939, Herr Hitler spoke in loud praise of the non-aggression pact which he had signed five years previously with Poland. He paid a tribute to this agreement as a common act of liberation, and solemnly confirmed his intention to respect its clauses. But it is Herr Hitler's deeds that count, not his word. What, then, is our duty? Poland is our ally. We entered into commitments with her in 1921 and 1925. These commitments were confirmed. I, myself, in the Chamber said, on May 11 last: "As a result of the journey of the Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs to London and of the reciprocal pledges of guarantee given by Great Britain and Poland, by a common agreement with this noble and brave nation we tool the measures required for the immediate and direct application of our treaty of alliance." Parliament approved this policy. Since then we have never failed both in diplomatic negotiations and in public utterances, to prove faithful to it. Our Ambassador in Berlin has several times reminded Herr Hitler that, if a German aggression were to take place against Poland, we should fulfill our pledges. And on July 1, in Paris, the Minister for Foreign Affairs said to the German Ambassador to France: "France has definite commitments to Poland. These engagements have been further strengthened as a result of the latest events, and consequently France will at once be at Poland's side as soon at Poland herself takes up arms." Poland has been the object of the most unjust and brutal aggression. The nations who have guaranteed her independence are bound to intervene in her defense. Great Britain and France are not Powers that can disown, or dream of disowning, their signatures. Already last night, on September 1, the French and British Ambassadors were making a joint overture to the German Government. They handed to Herr von Ribbentrop the following communication from the French Government and the British Government, which I will ask your leave to read to you: "Early this morning the German Chancellor issued a proclamation to the German Army which indicated that he was about to attack Poland. "Information which has reached His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom and the French Government indicates that attacks upon Polish towns are proceeding. "In these circumstances it appears to the Governments of the United Kingdom and France that by their action the German Government have created conditions, (viz., an aggressive act of force against Poland threatening the independence of Poland) which call for the implementation by the Government of the United Kingdom and France of the undertaking to Poland to come to her assistance. "I am accordingly to inform your Excellency that unless the German Government are prepared to give His Majesty's Government satisfactory assurances that the German Government have suspended all aggressive action against Poland and are prepared promptly to withdraw their forces from Polish territory, His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom will without hesitation fulfill their obligations to Poland." And indeed, Gentlemen, it is not only the honor of our country: it is also the protection of its vital interests that is at stake. For a France which should allow this aggression to be carried out would very soon find itself a scorned, an isolated, a discredited France, without allies and without support, and doubtless, would soon herself be exposed to a formidable attack. This is the question I lay before the French nation, and all nations. At the very moment of the aggression against Poland, what value has the guarantee, once more renewed, given for our eastern frontier, for our Alsace, for our Lorraine, after repudiation of the guarantees given in turn to Austria, Czechoslovakia, and Poland? More powerful through their conquests, gorged with the plunder of Europe, the masters of inexhaustible natural wealth, the aggressors would soon turn against France with all their forces. Thus, our honor is but the pledge of our own society. It is not that abstract and obsolete form of honor of which conquerors speak to justify their deeds of violence; it is the dignity of a peaceful people, which bears hatred toward no other people in the world and which never embarks upon a war save only for the sake of its freedom and of its life. Forfeiting our honor would purchase nothing more than a precious peace liable to rescission, and when, tomorrow, we should have to fight after losing the respect of our allies and the other nations, we should no longer be anything more than a wretched people doomed to defeat and bondage. I feel confident that not a single Frenchman harbors such thoughts today. But I well know, too, Gentlemen, that it is hard for those who have devoted their whole lives to the cause of peace and who are still prompted by a peaceful ideal to reply, by force if needed, to deeds of violence. As head of the Government, I am not the man to make an apology for war in these tragic hours. I fought before like most of you. I can remember. I shall not utter a single one of those words that the genuine fighters look upon as blasphemous. But I desire to do my plain duty, and shall do it, as an honorable man. Gentlemen, while we are in session, Frenchmen are rejoining their regiments. Not one of them feels any hatred in his heart against the German people. Not one of them is giving way to the intoxicating call of violence and brutality; but they are ready, unanimously, to discharge their duty with the quiet courage which derives its inspiration from a clear conscience. Gentlemen, you who know what those Frenchmen are thinking, you who even yesterday were among them in our provincial towns and in our countryside, you who have seen them go off - you will not contradict me if I evoke their feelings here. They are peace- loving men, but they have decided to make every sacrifice needed to defend the dignity and freedom of their country. If they have answered our call, as they have done, without a moment's hesitation, without a murmur, without flinching, that is because they feel, all of them, in the depths of their hearts that it is, in truth, whatever may be said, the very existence of France that is at stake. You know better than anyone else that no government, no man, would be able to mobilize France merely to launch her into an adventure. Never would the French rise to invade the territory of a foreign country. Theirs is the heroism for defense and not for conquest. When you see France spring to arms it is because she feels herself threatened. It is not France only that has arisen; it is the whole, far- flung empire under the sheltering folds of our tricolour. From every corner of the globe moving protestations of loyalty from all the protected or friendly races are reaching the mother country today. The union of all Frenchmen is thus echoed beyond the seas by the union of all people under our protection who in the hour of danger are proffering both their arms and their hearts. And I wish also to salute all the foreigners settled on our soil, who on this very day in their thousands and thousands, as though they were the volunteers of imperiled freedom, are placing their courage and their lives at the service of France. Our duty is to make an end of aggressive and violent undertakings; by means of peaceful settlement, if we can still do so, and this we shall strive our utmost to achieve, by the wielding of our strength, if all sense of morality as well as all glimmering of reason has died within the aggressors. If we were not to keep our pledges, if we were to allow Germany to crush Poland, within a few months, perhaps within a few weeks, what could we say to France, if we had to face aggressors once more? Then would those most determined soldiers ask us what we had done with our friends. They would feel themselves alone, under the most dreadful threat, and might lose, perhaps for all time, the confidence which now spurs them on. Gentlemen, in these hours when the fate of Europe is in the balance, France is speaking to us through the voice of her sons, through the voice of all those who have already accepted, if need be, the greatest sacrifice of all. Let us recapture, as they have done, that spirit which fired all the heroes of our history. France rises with such impetuous impulses only when she feels in her heart that she is fighting for her life and for her independence. Gentlemen, today France is in command. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (2) Telephone communication from Robert Coulondre, French Ambassador to Germany, to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs (Georges Bonnet), September 3, 1939 I have the honor to confirm as here below the communication which I made to Your Excellency by telephone at 1 P.M. Herr von Ribbentrop returned at noon. I was received at this hour by the State Secretary, but the latter informed me that he was not in a position to tell me whether a satisfactory reply had been made to my letter of September 1, nor even whether such a reply could be given thereto. He insisted that I should see Herr von Ribbentrop himself. In these circumstances I asked to be received by the Minister for Foreign Affairs at the earliest possible moment. I was received by Herr von Ribbentrop at 12:30 P.M. I asked him whether he could give me a satisfactory reply to my letter which I had handed to him on September 1 at 10 P.M. He replied to me as follows: "After the delivery of your letter, the Italian Government notified the German Government of a proposed compromise, stating that the French Government was in agreement. Later, Signor Mussolini intimated to us that the contemplated compromise had failed owning to British intransigence. This morning the British Ambassador handed us an ultimatum, due to expire two hours later, We rejected it for the reason which is explained in the memorandum which I handed to the British Ambassador today and of which I give you a copy. "If the French Government feels bound by its commitments to Poland to enter into the conflict, I can only regret it, for we have no feeling of hostility towards France. It is only if France attacks us that we shall fight her, and this would be on her part a war of aggression." I then asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if I was to infer from his utterances that the reply of the Government of the Reich to may letter of September 1 was in the negative. "Yes," he replied. "In these circumstances I must, on behalf of my Government, remind you for the last time of the heavy responsibility assumed by the Government of the Reich by entering, without a declaration of war, into hostilities against Poland and in not acting upon the suggestion made by the Governments of the French Republic and of His Britannic Majesty to suspend all aggressive action against Poland and to declare itself ready to withdraw its forces promptly from Polish territory. "I have the painful duty to notify you that as from today, September 3, at 5 P.M., the French Government will find itself obliged to fulfill the obligations that France has contracted towards Poland, and which are known to the German Government. " 'Well,' Herr von Ribbentrop remarked, 'it will be France who is the aggressor.' " I replied to him that history would judge of that. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (3) Statement by Edouard Daladier, Premier, to the Nation, September 3, 1939 Men and Women of France. Since daybreak on September 1, Poland has been the victim of the most brutal and most cynical of aggression. Her frontiers have been violated. Her cities are being bombed. Her army is heroically resisting the invader. The responsibility for the blood that is being shed falls entirely upon the Hitler Government. The fate of peace is in Hitler's hands. He chose war. France and England have made countless efforts to safeguard peace. This very morning they made a further urgent intervention in Berlin in order to address to the German Government a last appeal to reason and request it to stop hostilities and to open peaceful negotiations. Germany met us with a refusal. She had already refused to reply to all the men of goodwill who recently raised their voices in favor of the peace of the world. She therefore desires the destruction of Poland, so as to be able to dominate Europe quickly and to enslave France. In rising against the most frightful of tyrannies, in honoring our word, we fight to defend our soil, our homes, our liberties. I am conscious of having worked unremittingly against the war until the last minute. I greet with emotion and affection our young soldiers, who now go forth to perform the sacred task which we ourselves did perform before them. They can have full confidence in their chiefs, who are worthy of those who have previously led France to victory. The cause of France is identical with that of Righteousness. It is the cause of all peaceful and free nations. It will be victorious. Men and Women of France! We are waging war because it has been thrust on us. Every one of us is at his post, on the soil of France, on that land of liberty where respect of human dignity finds one of its last refuges. You will all co-operate, with a profound feeling of union and brotherhood, for the salvation of the country. Vive la France! End Section [cc] ********************************************************************* Section [dd] SOME DOCUMENTS RELEVANT TO THE ALLIANCE OF GERMANY, JAPAN, AND ITALY DURING WORLD WAR II. The file contains the following documents in the order of appearance in the file: (1) German-Japanese Agreement and Supplementary Protocol, Signed at Berlin, November 25, 1936 (Anti-Comintern Pact) (2) Protocol Concluded by Italy, Germany, and Japan, at Rome, November 6, 1937 (3)Summary of the Three-Power Pact Between Germany, Italy, and Japan, Signed at Berlin, SEPTEMBER 27, 1940. (THE TRIPARTITE PACT) ---------------------------------------------------------------- (1) German-Japanese Agreement and Supplementary Protocol, Signed at Berlin, November 25, 1936 (Anti-Comintern Pact) Translation, in Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States: Japan, 1931-1941, II, 153 Agreement Guarding Against the Communistic International The Imperial Government of Japan and the Government of Germany, In cognizance of the fact that the object of the Communistic International (the so-called Komintern) is the disintegration of, and the commission of violence against, existing States by the exercise of all means at its command, Believing that the toleration of interference by the Communistic International in the internal affairs of nations not only endangers their internal peace and social welfare, but threatens the general peace of the world, Desiring to co-operate for defense against communistic disintegration, have agreed as follows. Article I The High Contracting States agree that they will mutually keep each other informed concerning the activities of the Communistic International, will confer upon the necessary measure of defense, and will carry out such measures in close co-operation. Article II The High Contracting States will jointly invite third States whose internal peace is menaced by the disintegrating work of the Communistic International, to adopt defensive measures in the spirit of the present Agreement or to participate in the present Agreement. Article III The Japanese and German texts are each valid as the original text of this Agreement. The Agreement shall come into force on the day of its signature and shall remain in force for the term of five years. The High Contracting States will, in a reasonable time before the expiration of the said term, come to an understanding upon the further manner of their co-operation. In witness whereof the undersigned, duly authorized by their respective Governments, have affixed hereto their seals and signatures. Done in duplicate at Berlin, November 25th, 11th year of Showa, corresponding to November 25th, 1936. Viscount Kintomo Mushakoji Imperial Japanese Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Joachim von Ribbentrop German Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Supplementary Protocol to the Agreement Guarding Against the Communistic International On the occasion of the signature this day of the Agreement guarding against the Communistic International the undersigned plenipotentiaries have agreed as follows: (a) The competent authorities of both High Contracting States will closely co-operate in the exchange of reports on the activities of the Communistic International and on measures of information and defense against the Communistic International. (b) The competent authorities of both High Contracting States will, within the framework of the existing law, take stringent measures against those who at home or abroad work on direct or indirect duty of the Communistic International or assist its disintegrating activities. (c) To facilitate the co-operation of the competent authorities of the two High Contracting States as set out in (a) above, a standing committee shall be established. By this committee the further measures to be adopted in order to counter the disintegrating activities of the Communistic International shall be considered and conferred upon. Done at Berlin, November 25th, 11th year of Showa, corresponding to November 25th, 1936. Viscount Kintomo Mushakoji Imperial Japanese Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Joachim von Ribbentrop German Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary ---------------------------------------------------------------- (2) Protocol Concluded by Italy, Germany, and Japan, at Rome, November 6, 1937 Translation, in Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States: Japan, 1931-1941, II, 159 The Italian Government, the Government of the German Reich, and the Imperial Government of Japan, Considering that the Communist International continues constantly to imperil the civilized world in the Occident and Orient, disturbing and destroying peace and order, Considering that only close collaboration looking to the maintenance of peace and order can limit and remove that peril, Considering that Italy - who with the advent of the Fascist regime has with inflexible determination combated that peril and rid her territory of the Communist International - has decided to align herself against the common enemy along with Germany and Japan, who for their part are animated by like determination to defend themselves against the Communist International. Have, in conformity with Article 2 of the Agreement against the Communist International concluded at Berlin on November 25, 1936, by Germany and Japan, agreed upon the following: Article I Italy becomes a party to the Agreement against the Communist International and to the Supplementary Protocol concluded on November 25, 1936, between Germany and Japan, the text of which is included in the annex to the present Protocol. Article II The three powers signatory to the present Protocol agree that Italy will be considered as an original signatory to the Agreement and Supplementary Protocol mentioned in the preceding article, the signing of the present Protocol being equivalent to the signature of the original text of the aforesaid Agreement and Supplementary Protocol. Article III The present Protocol shall constitute an integral part of the above-mentioned Agreement and Supplementary Protocol. Article IV The present Protocol is drawn up in Italian, Japanese, and German, each text being considered authentic. It shall enter into effect on the date of signature. In testimony whereof, etc... Ciano von Ribbentrop Hotta ---------------------------------------------------------------- (3)Summary of the Three-Power Pact Between Germany, Italy, and Japan, Signed at Berlin, SEPTEMBER 27, 1940. (THE TRIPARTITE PACT) The governments of Germany, Italy and Japan, considering it as a condition precedent of any lasting peace that all nations of the world be given each its own proper place, have decided to stand by and co-operate with one another in regard to their efforts in greater East Asia and regions of Europe respectively wherein it is their prime purpose to establish and maintain a new order of things calculated to promote the mutual prosperity and welfare of the peoples concerned. Furthermore, it is the desire of the three governments to extend co-operation to such nations in other spheres of the world as may be inclined to put forth endeavours along lines similar to their own, in order that their ultimate aspirations for world peace may thus be realized. Accordingly, the governments of Germany, Italy and Japan have agreed as follows: ARTICLE ONE Japan recognizes and respects the leadership of Germany and Italy in establishment of a new order in Europe. ARTICLE TWO Germany and Italy recognize and respect the leadership of Japan in the establishment of a new order in greater East Asia. ARTICLE THREE Germany, Italy and Japan agree to co-operate in their efforts on aforesaid lines. They further undertake to assist one another with all political, economic and military means when one of the three contracting powers is attacked by a power at present not involved in the European war or in the Chinese-Japanese conflict. ARTICLE FOUR With the view to implementing the present pact, joint technical commissions, members which are to be appointed by the respective governments of Germany, Italy and Japan will meet without delay. ARTICLE FIVE Germany, Italy and Japan affirm that the aforesaid terms do not in any way affect the political status which exists at present as between each of the three contracting powers and Soviet Russia. ARTICLE SIX The present pact shall come into effect immediately upon signature and shall remain in force 10 years from the date of its coming into force. At the proper time before expiration of said term, the high contracting parties shall at the request of any of them enter into negotiations for its renewal. In faith whereof, the undersigned duly authorized by their respective governments have signed this pact and have affixed hereto their signatures. Done in triplicate at Berlin, the 27th day of September, 1940, in the 19th year of the fascist era, corresponding to the 27th day of the ninth month of the 15th year of Showa (the reign of Emperor Hirohito). End Section [dd] ********************************************************************* Section [ee] DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE PARTITION OF POLAND BY GERMANY AND THE SOVIET UNION. (1) German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact (2) Secret Additional Protocol. (3) thru (6) discuss implementation of the pact. ------------------------------------------------------------------- (1) German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact From: Nazi-Soviet Relations 1939-1941. Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Office (Washington D.C., 1948) p. 78 The Government of the German Reich and The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Desirous of strengthening the cause of peace between Germany and the U.S.S.R., and proceeding from the fundamental provisions of the Neutrality Agreement concluded in April, 1926 between Germany and the U.S.S.R., have reached the following Agreement: Article I. Both High Contracting Parties obligate themselves to desist from any act of violence, any aggressive action, and any attack on each other, either individually or jointly with other Powers. Article II. Should one of the High Contracting Parties become the object of belligerent action by a third Power, the other High Contracting Party shall in no manner lend its support to this third Power. Article III. The Governments of the two High Contracting Parties shall in the future maintain continual contact with one another for the purpose of consultation in order to exchange information on problems affecting their common interests. Article IV. Should disputes or conflicts arise between the High Contracting Parties shall participate in any grouping of Powers whatsoever that is directly or indirectly aimed at the other party. Article V. Should disputes or conflicts arise between the High Contracting Parties over problems of one kind or another, both parties shall settle these disputes or conflicts exclusively through friendly exchange of opinion or, if necessary, through the establishment of arbitration commissions. Article VI. The present Treaty is concluded for a period of ten years, with the proviso that, in so far as one of the High Contracting Parties does not advance it one year prior to the expiration of this period, the validity of this Treaty shall automatically be extended for another five years. Article VII. The present treaty shall be ratified within the shortest possible time. The ratifications shall be exchanged in Berlin. The Agreement shall enter into force as soon as it is signed. [The next section was not published at the time the above was announced.] ------------------------------------------------------------------- (2) Secret Additional Protocol. Article I. In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement in the areas belonging to the Baltic States (Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania), the northern boundary of Lithuania shall represent the boundary of the spheres of influence of Germany and U.S.S.R. In this connection the interest of Lithuania in the Vilna area is recognized by each party. Article II. In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement of the areas belonging to the Polish state, the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. shall be bounded approximately by the line of the rivers Narev, Vistula and San. The question of whether the interests of both parties make desirable the maintenance of an independent Polish States and how such a state should be bounded can only be definitely determined in the course of further political developments. In any event both Governments will resolve this question by means of a friendly agreement. Article III. With regard to Southeastern Europe attention is called by the Soviet side to its interest in Bessarabia. The German side declares its complete political disinteredness in these areas. Article IV. This protocol shall be treated by both parties as strictly secret. Moscow, August 23, 1939. For the Government of the German Reich v. Ribbentrop Plenipotentiary of the Government of the U.S.S.R. V. Molotov ------------------------------------------------------------------- (3) From: Nazi-Soviet Relations 1939-1941. Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Office (Washington D.C., 1948) p. 93 VERY URGENT STRICTLY SECRET No. 360 of September 15 For the Ambassador personally. I request that you communicate the following to Herr Molotov at once: 1) The destruction of the Polish Army is rapidly approaching its conclusion, as appears from the review of the military situation of September 14 which has already been communicated to you. We count on the occupation of Warsaw in the next few days. 2) We have already stated to the Soviet Government that we consider ourselves bound by the definition of spheres of influence agreed upon in Moscow, entirely apart from purely military operations, and the same applies of course to the future as well. 3) From the communication made to you by Molotov on September 14, we assume that the Soviet Government will take a hand militarily, and that it intends to begin its operation now. We welcome this. The Soviet Government thus relieves us of the necessity of annihilating the remainder of the Polish Army by pursuing it as far as the Russian boundary. Also the question is disposed of in case a Russian intervention did not take place, of whether in the area lying to the east of the German zone of influence a political vacuum might not occur. Since we on our part have no intention of undertaking any political or administrative activities in these areas, apart from what is made necessary by military operations, without such an intervention on the part of the Soviet Government there might be the possibility of the construction of new states there. 4) For the political support of the advance of the Soviet Army we propose the publication of a joint communique of the following content: "In view of the complete collapse of the previous form of government in Poland, the Reich Government and the Government of the U.S.S.R. consider it necessary to bring to an end the intolerable political and economic conditions existing in these territories. They regard it as their joint duty to restore peace and order in these areas which are naturally of interest to them and to bring about a new order by the creation of natural frontiers and viable economic organizations." 5) We assume in proposing such a communique that the Soviet Government has already given up the idea, expressed by Molotov in an earlier conversation with you, of taking the threat to the Ukrainian and White Russian populations by Germany as a ground for Soviet action. The assignment of a motive of that sort would be out of the question in practice. It would be directly contrary to the true German intentions, which are confined exclusively to the realization of well-known German spheres of interest. It would also be in contradiction to the arrangements made in Moscow and, finally would, in opposition to the desire for friendly relations expressed on both sides, expose the two States before the whole world as enemies. 6) Since the military operations must be concluded as soon as possible because of the advanced season of the year, we would be gratified if the Soviet Government would set a day and hour on which their army would begin their advance, so that we on our part might govern ourselves accordingly. For the purpose of the necessary coordination of military operations on either side, it is also necessary that a representative of each Government, as well as German and Russian officers on the spot in the area of operations, should have a meeting in order to take the necessary steps, for which meeting we propose to assemble at Bialystok by air. I request an immediate reply by telegraph. The change in text agreed upon by Gaus with Hilger has already bee taken care of. ------------------------------------------------------------------- (4) From: Nazi-Soviet Relations 1939-1941. Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Office (Washington D.C., 1948) p. 101 To: German Foreign Office From: Count Friedrich Werner von der Schulenburg, Ambassador to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Strictly Secret No. 395 of September 19 Molotov stated to me today that the Soviet Government now considered the time ripe for it, jointly with the German Government, to establish definitively the structure of the Polish area. In this regard, Molotov hinted that the original inclination entertained by the Soviet Government and Stalin personally to permit the existence of a residual Poland had given way to the inclination to partition Poland along the Pissa-Narew-Vistula-San Line. The Soviet Government wishes to commence negotiations on this matter at once, and to conduct them in Moscow, since such negotiations must be conducted on the Soviet side by persons in the highest positions of authority, who cannot leave the Soviet Union. Request telegraphic instructions. ------------------------------------------------------------------- (5) From: Nazi-Soviet Relations 1939-1941. Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Office (Washington D.C., 1948) p. 102 To: Count Friedrich Werner von der Schulenburg, Ambassador to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. From: Joachim von Ribbentrop, German Minister for Foreign Affairs. STRICTLY SECRET No. 417 of September 22 Reference you telegram No. 295[395?]. For the Ambassador personally. We, too, consider the time now ripe to establish by treaty jointly with the Soviet Government the definitive structure of the Polish area. The Russian idea of a border line along the well-known Four-Rivers Line coincides in general with the view of the Reich Government. It was my original intention to invite Herr Molotov to Germany in order to formulate this treaty. In view of your report that the leading personages there cannot leave the Soviet Union, we agree to negotiations in Moscow. Contrary to my original purpose of entrusting you with these negotiations, I have decided to fly to Moscow myself. This particularly because-in view of the full powers granted me by the Fuhrer, thus making it possible to dispense with counterinquiries, etc.-negotiations can be brought to a speedier conclusion. In view of the general situation, my sojourn in Moscow will have to be limited to one or two days at the most. Please call on Herren Stalin and Molotov and wire me earliest proposed date. ------------------------------------------------------------------- (6) From: Nazi-Soviet Relations 1939-1941. Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Office (Washington D.C., 1948) p. 106 Confidential Protocol The Government of the U.S.S.R. shall place no obstacles in the way of the Reich nationals and other persons of German descent residing in the territories under its jurisdiction, if they desire to migrate to Germany or to the territories under German jurisdiction. It agrees that such removals shall be carried out by agents of the Government of the Reich in cooperation with the competent local authorities and that the property rights of the emigrants shall be protected. A corresponding obligation is assumed by the Government of the German Reich in respect to the persons of Ukrainian or White Russian descent residing in the territories under its jurisdiction. Moscow, September 18, 1939. For the Government of the German Reich: J. Ribbentrop By authority of the Government of the U.S.S.R.: W. Molotow Secret Supplementary Protocol The undersigned Plenipotentiaries declare the agreement of the Government of the German Reich and the Government of the U.S.S.R. upon the following: The Secret Supplementary Protocol signed on August 23, 1939, shall be amended in item 1 to the effect that the territory of the Lithuanian state falls to the sphere of influence of the U.S.S.R., while, on the other hand, the province of Lublin and parts of the province of Warsaw fall to the sphere of influence of Germany (cf. the map attached to the Boundary and Friendship Treaty signed today). As soon as the Government of the U.S.S.R. shall take special measure on Lithuanian territory to protect its interests, the present German-Lithuanian border, for the purpose of a natural and simple boundary delineation, shall be rectified in such a way that the Lithuanian territory situated to the southwest of the line marked on the attached map should fall to Germany. Further it is declared that the economic agreements now in force between Germany and Lithuania shall not be affected by the measures of the Soviet Union referred to above. Moscow, September 28, 1939. For the Government of the German Reich: J. Ribbentrop By authority of the Government of the U.S.S.R. W. Molotow Secret Supplementary Protocol The undersigned plenipotentiaries, on concluding the German- Russian Boundary and Friendship Treaty, have declared their agreement upon the following: Both parties will tolerate in their territories no Polish agitation which affects the territories of the other party. They will suppress in their territories all beginnings of such agitation and inform each other concerning suitable measures for this purpose. Moscow, September 28, 1939. For the Government of the German Reich: J. Ribbentrop By authority of the Government of the U.S.S.R. W. Molotow End Section [ee] ********************************************************************* Section [ff] SOVIET-JAPANESE NEUTRALITY AND DENUNCIATION. This file contains the following documents in order of appearance in the file: (1) PACT OF NEUTRALITY BETWEEN UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS AND JAPAN (2) DECLARATION REGARDING MONGOLIA (3) SOVIET DENUNCIATION OF PACT WITH JAPAN (4) SOVIET WAR DECLARATION ON JAPAN ---------------------------------------------------------------- (1) PACT OF NEUTRALITY BETWEEN UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS AND JAPAN The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, guided by a desire to strengthen peaceful and friendly relations between the two countries, have decided to conclude a pact on neutrality, for which purpose they have appointed as their Representatives: the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics - Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; His Majesty the Emperor of Japan - Yosuke Matsuoka, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jusanmin, Cavalier of the Order of the Sacred Treasure of the First Class, and Yoshitsugu Tatekawa, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Lieutenant General, Jusanmin, Cavalier of the Order of the Rising Sun of the First Class and the Order of the Golden Kite of the Fourth Class, who, after an exchange of their credentials, which were found in due and proper form, have agreed on the following: ARTICLE ONE Both Contracting Parties undertake to maintain peaceful and friendly relations between them and mutually respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of the other Contracting Party. ARTICLE TWO Should one of the Contracting Parties become the object of hostilities on the part of one or several third powers, the other Contracting Party will observe neutrality throughout the duration of the conflict. ARTICLE THREE The present Pact comes into force from the day of its ratification by both Contracting Parties and remains valid for five years. In case neither of the Contracting Parties denounces the Pact one year before the expiration of the term, it will be considered automatically prolonged for the next five years. ARTICLE FOUR The present Pact is subject to ratification as soon as possible. The instruments of ratification shall be exchanged in Tokyo, also as soon as possible. In confirmation whereof the above-named Representatives have signed the present Pact in two copies, drawn up in the Russian and Japanese languages, and affixed thereto their seals. Done in Moscow on April 13, 1941, which corresponds to the 13th day of the fourth month of the 16th year of Showa. V. MOLOTOV YOSUKE MATSUOKA YOSHITSUGU TATEKAWA ---------------------------------------------------------------- (2) DECLARATION REGARDING MONGOLIA DECLARATION In conformity with the spirit of the Pact on neutrality concluded on April 13, 1941, between the U.S.S.R. and Japan, the Government of the U.S.S.R. and the Government of Japan, in the interest of insuring peaceful and friendly relations between the two countries, solemnly declare that the U.S.S.R. pledges to respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of Manchoukuo and Japan pledges to respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of the Mongolian People's Republic. Moscow, April 13, 1941 On behalf of the Government of the U.S.S.R. V. MOLOTOV On behalf of the Government of Japan YOSUKE MATSUOKA YOSHITSUGU TATEKAWA ---------------------------------------------------------------- (3) SOVIET DENUNCIATION OF PACT WITH JAPAN (The Department of State Bulletin, Vol. XII, No. 305, April 29, 1945) The American Ambassador at Moscow transmitted to the Secretary of State, by a telegram dated April 5, 1945, the following statement, as received from the press section of the Foreign Office, regarding Soviet denunciation of the U.S.S.R.-Japanese neutrality pact: " 'Today at 3 p.m. People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR Mr. V. M. Molotov, received the Japanese Ambassador, Mr. N. Sato, and made the following statement to him in the name of the Soviet Government: " 'The neutrality pact between the Soviet Union and Japan was concluded on April 13, 1941, that is, before the attack of Germany on the USSR and before the outbreak of war between Japan on the one hand and England and the United States on the other. Since that time the situation has been basically altered. Germany has attacked the USSR, and Japan, ally of Germany, is aiding the latter in its war against the USSR. Furthermore Japan is waging a war with the USA and England, which are allies of the Soviet Union. " 'In these circumstances the neutrality pact between Japan and the USSR has lost its sense, and the prolongation of that pact has become impossible. " 'On the strength of the above and in accordance with Article Three of the above mentioned pact, which envisaged the right of denunciation one year before the lapse of the five year period of operation of the pact, the Soviet Government hereby makes know to the Government of Japan its wish to denounce the pact of April 13, 1941.' " 'The Japanese Ambassador Mr. N. Sato, promised to inform the Japanese Government of the statement of the Soviet Government." ---------------------------------------------------------------- (4) SOVIET WAR DECLARATION ON JAPAN London, Aug., 8, 1945 - Foreign Commissar Molotoff's (sic) announcement of the declaration of war, as broadcast by Moscow, follows: On Aug. 8, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R. Molotoff received the Japanese Ambassador, Mr. Sato, and gave him, on behalf of the Soviet Government, the following for transmission to the Japanese Government: "After the defeat and capitulation of Hitlerite Germany, Japan became the only great power that sill stood for the continuation of the war. "The demand of the three powers, the United States, Great Britain and China, on July 26 for the unconditional surrender of the Japanese armed forces was rejected by Japan, and thus the proposal of the Japanese Government to the Soviet Union on mediation in the war in the Far East loses all basis. "Taking into consideration the refusal of Japan to capitulate, the Allies submitted to the Soviet Government a proposal to join the war against Japanese aggression and thus shorten the duration of the war, reduce the number of victims and facilitate the speedy restoration of universal peace. "Loyal to its Allied duty, the Soviet Government has accepted the proposals of the Allies and has joined in the declaration of the Allied powers of July 26. "The Soviet Government considers that this policy is the only means able to bring peace nearer, free the people from further sacrifice and suffering and give the Japanese people the possibility of avoiding the dangers and destruction suffered by Germany after her refusal to capitulate unconditionally. "In view of the above, the Soviet Government declares that from tomorrow, that is from Aug. 9, the Soviet Government will consider itself to be at war with Japan." End Section [ff] ********************************************************************* Section [gg] THE ATLANTIC CHARTER AUGUST 14.1941 The President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, being met together, deem it right to make known certain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future for the world. First, their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other; Second, they desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned; Third, they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live; and they wish to see sovereign rights and self government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them; Fourth, they will endeavor, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity; Fifth, they desire to bring about the fullest collaboration between all nations in the economic field with the object of securing, for all, improved labor standards, economic advancement and social security; Sixth, after the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny, they hope to see established a peace which will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in safety within their own boundaries, and which will afford assurance that all the men in all lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want; Seventh, such a peace should enable all men to traverse the high seas and oceans without hindrance; Eighth, they believe that all of the nations of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual reasons must come to the abandonment of the use of force. Since no future peace can be maintained if land, sea or air armaments continue to be employed by nations which threaten, or may threaten, aggression outside of their frontiers, they believe, pending the establishment of a wider and permanent system of general security, that the disarmament of such nations is essential. They will likewise aid and encourage all other practicable measure which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of armaments. Franklin D. Roosevelt Winston S. Churchill End Section [gg] ********************************************************************* Section [hh] President Roosevelt's Address to Congress and Congressional Declaration of War on Japan. --------------------------------------------------------------------- TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: Yesterday, December 7, 1941 - a date which will live in infamy - the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan. The United States was at peace with that Nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its Government and its Emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific. Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese Ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to the Secretary of State a form reply to a recent American message. While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hit of war or armed attack. It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time the Japanese Government had deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace. The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian Islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. Very many American lives have been lost. In addition American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu. Yesterday the Japanese Government also launched an attack against Malaya. Last night Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong. Last night Japanese forces attacked Guam. Last night Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands. Last night the Japanese attacked Midway Island. Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our Nation. As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us. No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory. I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again. Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger. With confidence in our armed forces - with the unbounded determination of our people - we will gain the inevitable triumph - so help us God. I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December seventh, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese Empire. Franklin D. Roosevelt The White House, December 8, 1941 --------------------------------------------------------------------- JOINT RESOLUTION Declaring that a state of war exists between the Imperial Government of Japan and the Government and the people of the United States and making provisions to prosecute the same. Whereas the Imperial Government of Japan has committed unprovoked acts of war against the Government and the people of the United States of America: Therefore be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of was between the United States and the Imperial Government of Japan which has thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby formally declared; And the President is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on was against the Imperial Government of Japan; And, to bring the conflict to a successful termination, all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States. Approved, December 8, 1941, 4:10 p.m. E.S.T. End Section [hh] ********************************************************************* Section [ii] President Roosevelt's Address to Congress and Congressional Declaration of War on Germany December 11, 1941 The President's Message To the Congress of the United States: On the morning of Dec. 11 the Government of Germany, pursuing its course of world conquest, declared war against the United States. The long-known and the long-expected has thus taken place. The forces endeavoring to enslave the entire world now are moving toward this hemisphere. Never before has there been a greater challenge to life, liberty and civilization. Delay invites great danger. Rapid and united effort by all of the peoples of the world who are determined to remain free will insure a world victory of the forces of justice and of righteousness over the forces of savagery and of barbarism. Italy also has declared war against the United States. I therefore request the Congress to recognize a state of war between the United States and Germany, and between the United States and Italy. Franklin D. Roosevelt The War Resolution Declaring that a state of war exists between the Government of Germany and the government and the people of the United States and making provision to prosecute the same. Whereas the Government of Germany has formally declared war against the government and the people of the United States of America: Therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of war between the United States and the Government of Germany which has thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby formally declared; And the President is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the government to carry on war against the Government of Germany; And to bring the conflict to a successful termination, all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States. End Section [ii] ********************************************************************* Section [jj] President Roosevelt's public statement regarding his conference at Casablanca with Winston Churchill. Feb. 12, 1943 The decisions reached and the actual plans made at Casablanca were not confined to any one theater of war or to any one continent or ocean or sea. Before this year is out, it will be made known to the world-in actions rather than words-that the Casablanca Conference produced plenty of news; and it will be bad news for the Germans and Italians-and the Japanese. We have lately concluded a long, hard battle in the Southwest Pacific and we have made notable gains. That battle started in the Solomons and New Guinea last summer. It has demonstrated our superior power in planes and, most importantly, in the fighting qualities of our individual soldiers and sailors. American armed forces in the Southwest Pacific are receiving powerful aid from Australia and New Zealand and also directly from the British themselves. We do not expect to spend the time it would take to bring Japan to final defeat merely by inching our way forward from island to island across the vast expanse of the Pacific. Great and decisive actions against the Japanese will be taken to drive the invader from the soil of China. Important actions will be taken in the skies over China-and over Japan itself. The discussions at Casablanca have been continued in Chungking with the Generalissimo by General Arnold and have resulted in definite plans for offensive operations. There are many roads which lead right to Tokyo. We shall neglect none of them. In an attempt to ward off the inevitable disaster, the Axis propagandist are trying all of their old tricks in order to divide the United Nations. They seek to create the idea that if we win this war, Russia, England, China, and the United States are going to get into a cat-and-dog fight. This is their final effort to turn one nation against another, in the vain hope that they may settle with one or two at a time-that any of us may be so gullible and so forgetful as to be duped into making "deals" at the expense of our Allies. To these panicky attempts to escape the consequences of their crimes we say-all the United Nations say-that the only terms on which we shall deal with an Axis government or any Axis factions are the terms proclaimed at Casablanca: "Unconditional Surrender." In our uncompromising policy we mean no harm to the common people of the Axis nations. But we do mean to impose punishment and retribution in full upon their guilty, barbaric leaders... In the years of the American and French revolutions the fundamental principle guiding our democracies was established. The cornerstone of our whole democratic edifice was the principle that from the people and the people alone flows the authority of government. It is one of our war aims, as expressed in the Atlantic Charter, that the conquered populations of today be again the masters of their destiny. There must be no doubt anywhere that it is the unalterable purpose of the United Nations to restore to conquered peoples their sacred rights. End Section [jj] ********************************************************************* Section [kk] F. D. ROOSEVELT'S STATEMENT ON NORTH AFRICAN POLICY November 17, 1942 (Department of State Bulletin, Vol VII, p.935) (President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Statement on Political Arrangements in North Africa made by Lieut. Dwight D. Eisenhower, Allied Commander in Chief in North Africa. I have accepted General Eisenhower's political arrangements made for the time being in Northern and Western Africa. I thoroughly understand and approve the feeling in the United States and Great Britain and among all the other United Nations that in view of the history of the past two years no permanent arrangement should be made with Admiral Darlan. People in the United Nations likewise would never understand the recognition of a reconstituting of the Vichy Government in France or in any French territory. We are opposed to Frenchmen who support Hitler and the Axis. No one in our Army has any authority to discuss the future Government of France and the French Empire. The future French Government will be established-not by any individual in metropolitan France or overseas-but by the French people themselves after they have been set free by the victory of the United Nations. The present temporary arrangement in North and West Africa is only a temporary expedient, justified solely by the stress of battle. The present temporary arrangement has accomplished two military objectives. The first was to save American and British lives on the one hand, and French lives on the other hand. The second was the vital factor of time. The temporary arrangement has made it possible to avoid a "mopping up" period in Algiers and Morocco which might have taken a month or two to consummate. Such a period would have delayed the concentration for the attack from the West on Tunis, and we hope on Tripoli. Every day of delay in the current operation would have enabled the Germans and Italians to build up a strong resistance, to dig in and make a huge operation on our part essential before we could win. Here again, many more lives will be saved under the present speedy offensive, than if we had had to delay it for a month or more. It will also be noted that French troops, under the command of General Giraud, have already been in action against the enemy in Tunisia, fighting by the side of American and British soldiers for the liberation of their country. Admiral Darlan's proclamation assisted in making a "mopping up" period unnecessary. Temporary arrangements made with Admiral Darlan apply, without exception, to the current local situation only. I have requested the liberation of all persons in Northern Africa who had been imprisoned because they opposed the efforts of the Nazis to dominate the world, and I have asked for the abrogation of all laws and decrees inspired by Nazi Governments or Nazi ideologies. Reports indicate that the French of North Africa are subordinating all political questions to the formation of a common front against the common enemy. End Section [kk] ********************************************************************* Section [ll] MOSCOW CONFERENCE, October, 1943 JOINT FOUR-NATION DECLARATION The governments of the United States of America, United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and China; United in their determination, in accordance with the declaration by the United Nations of January, 1942, and subsequent declarations, to continue hostilities against those Axis powers with which they respectively are at war until such powers have laid down their arms on the basis of unconditional surrender; Conscious of their responsibility to secure the liberation of themselves and the peoples allied with them from the menace of aggression; Recognizing the necessity of insuring a rapid and orderly transition from war to peace and of establishing and maintaining international peace and security with the least diversion of the world's human and economic resources for armaments; Jointly declare: 1. That their united action, pledged for the prosecution of the war against their respective enemies, will be continued for the organization and maintenance of peace and security. 2. That those of them at war with a common enemy will act together in all matters relating to the surrender and disarmament of that enemy. 3. That they will take all measures deemed by them to be necessary to provide against any violation of the terms imposed upon the enemy. 4. That they recognize the necessity of establishing at the earliest practicable date a general international organization, based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states, and open to membership by all such states, large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and security. 5. That for the purpose of maintaining international peace and security pending the re-establishment of law and order and the inauguration of a system of general security they will consult with one another and as occasion requires with other members of the United Nations, with a view to joint action on behalf of the community of nations. 6. That after the termination of hostilities they will not employ their military forces within the territories of other states except for the purposes envisaged in this declaration and after joint consultation. 7. That they will confer and cooperate with one another and with other members of the United Nations to bring about a practicable general agreement with respect to the regulation of armaments in the post-war period. DECLARATION REGARDING ITALY The Foreign Secretaries of the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union have established that their three governments are in complete agreement that Allied policy toward Italy must be based upon the fundamental principle that Fascism and all its evil influence and configuration shall be completely destroyed and that the Italian people shall be given every opportunity to establish governmental and other institutions based on democratic principles. The Foreign Secretaries of the United States and the United Kingdom declare that the action of their governments form the inception of the invasion of Italian territory, in so far as paramount military requirements have permitted, has been based upon this policy. In furtherance of this policy in the future the Foreign Secretaries of the three governments are agreed that the following measures are important and should be put into effect: 1. It is essential that the Italian Government should be made more democratic by inclusion of representatives of those sections of the Italian people who have always opposed Fascism. 2. Freedom of speech, of religious worship, of political belief, of press and of public meeting, shall be restored in full measure to the Italian people, who shall be entitled to form anti-Fascist political groups. 3. All institutions and organizations created by the Fascist regime shall be suppressed. 4. All Fascist or pro-Fascist elements shall be removed from the administration and from institutions and organizations of a public character. 5. All political prisoners of the Fascist regime shall be released and accorded full amnesty. 6. Democratic organs of local government shall be created. 7. Fascist chiefs and army generals known or suspected to be war criminals shall be arrested and handed over to justice. In making this declaration the three Foreign Secretaries recognize that so long as active military operations continue in Italy the time at which it is possible to give full effect to the principles stated above will be determined by the Commander-in-Chief on the basis of instructions received through the combined chiefs of staff. The three governments, parties to this declaration, will, at the request of any one of them, consult on this matter. It is further understood that nothing in this resolution is to operate against the right of the Italian people ultimately to choose their own form of government. DECLARATION ON AUSTRIA The governments of the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and the United States of America are agreed that Austria, the first free country to fall a victim to Hitlerite aggression, shall be liberated from German domination. They regard the annexation imposed on Austria by Germany on March 15, 1938, as null and void. They consider themselves as in no way bound by any charges effected in Austria since that date. They declare that they wish to see re-established a free and independent Austria and thereby to open the way for the Austrian people themselves, as well as those neighboring States which will be face with similar problems, to find that political and economic security which is the only basis for lasting peace. Austria is reminded, however that she has a responsibility, which she cannot evade, for participation in the war at the side of Hitlerite Germany, and that in the final settlement account will inevitably be taken of her own contribution to her liberation. STATEMENT ON ATROCITIES Signed by President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill and Premier Stalin. The United Kingdom, the United States and the Soviet Union have received from many quarters evidence of atrocities, massacres and cold-blooded mass executions which are being perpetrated by Hitlerite forces in many of the countries they have overrun and from which they are now being steadily expelled. The brutalities of Nazi domination are no new thing, and all peoples or territories in their grip have suffered from the worst form of government by terror. What is new is that many of the territories are now being redeemed by the advancing armies of the advancing armies of the liberating powers, and that in their desperation the recoiling Hitlerites and Huns are redoubling their ruthless cruelties. This is now evidenced with particular clearness by monstrous crimes on the territory of the Soviet Union which is being liberated from Hitlerites, and on French and Italian territory. Accordingly, the aforesaid three Allied powers, speaking in the interest of the thirty-two United Nations, hereby solemnly declare and give full warning of their declaration as follows: At the time of granting of any armistice to any government which may be set up in Germany, those German officers and men and members of the Nazi party who have been responsible for or have taken a consenting part in the above atrocities, massacres and executions will be sent back to the countries in which their abominable deeds were done in order that they may be judged and punished according to the laws of these liberated countries and of free governments which will be erected therein. Lists will be compiled in all possible detail from all these countries having regard especially to invaded parts of the Soviet Union, to Poland and Czechoslovakia, to Yugoslavia and Greece including Crete and other islands, to Norway, Denmark, Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, France and Italy. Thus, Germans who take part in wholesale shooting of Polish officers or in the execution of French, Dutch, Belgian or Norwegian hostages of Cretan peasants, or who have shared in slaughters inflicted on the people of Poland or in territories of the Soviet Union which are now being swept clear of the enemy, will know they will be brought back to the scene of their crimes and judged on the spot by the peoples whom they have outraged. Let those who have hitherto not imbued their hands with innocent blood beware lest they join the ranks of the guilty, for most assuredly the three Allied powers will pursue them to the uttermost ends of the earth and will deliver them to their accusers in order that justice may be done. The above declaration is without prejudice to the case of German criminals whose offenses have no particular geographical localization and who will be punished by joint decision of the government of the Allies. End Section [ll] ********************************************************************* Section [mm] YALTA (CRIMEA) CONFERENCE, February, 1945 Washington, March 24 - The text of the agreements reached at the Crimea (Yalta) Conference between President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill and Generalissimo Stalin, as released by the State Department today, follows: PROTOCOL OF PROCEEDINGS OF CRIMEA CONFERENCE The Crimea Conference of the heads of the Governments of the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which took place from Feb. 4 to 11, came to the following conclusions: I. WORLD ORGANIZATION It was decided: 1. That a United Nations conference on the proposed world organization should be summoned for Wednesday, 25 April, 1945, and should be held in the United States of America. 2. The nations to be invited to this conference should be: (a) the United Nations as they existed on 8 Feb., 1945; and (b) Such of the Associated Nations as have declared war on the common enemy by 1 March, 1945. (For this purpose, by the term "Associated Nations" was meant the eight Associated Nations and Turkey.) When the conference on world organization is held, the delegates of the United Kingdom and United State of America will support a proposal to admit to original membership two Soviet Socialist Republics, i.e., the Ukraine and White Russia. 3. That the United States Government, on behalf of the three powers, should consult the Government of China and the French Provisional Government in regard to decisions taken at the present conference concerning the proposed world organization. 4. That the text of the invitation to be issued to all the nations which would take part in the United Nations conference should be as follows: "The Government of the United States of America, on behalf of itself and of the Governments of the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialistic Republics and the Republic of China and of the Provisional Government of the French Republic invite the Government of -------- to send representatives to a conference to be held on 25 April, 1945, or soon thereafter , at San Francisco, in the United States of America, to prepare a charter for a general international organization for the maintenance of international peace and security. "The above-named Governments suggest that the conference consider as affording a basis for such a Charter the proposals for the establishment of a general international organization which were made public last October as a result of the Dumbarton Oaks conference and which have now been supplemented by the following provisions for Section C of Chapter VI: C. Voting "1. Each member of the Security Council should have one vote. "2. Decisions of the Security Council on procedural matters should be made by an affirmative vote of seven members. "3. Decisions of the Security Council on all matters should be made by an affirmative vote of seven members, including the concurring votes of the permanent members; provided that, in decisions under Chapter VIII, Section A and under the second sentence of Paragraph 1 of Chapter VIII, Section C, a party to a dispute should abstain from voting.' "Further information as to arrangements will be transmitted subsequently. "In the event that the Government of -------- desires in advance of the conference to present views or comments concerning the proposals, the Government of the United States of America will be pleased to transmit such views and comments to the other participating Governments." Territorial trusteeship: It was agreed that the five nations which will have permanent seats on the Security Council should consult each other prior to the United Nations conference on the question of territorial trusteeship. The acceptance of this recommendation is subject to its being made clear that territorial trusteeship will only apply to (a) existing mandates of the League of Nations; (b) territories detached from the enemy as a result of the present war; (c) any other territory which might voluntarily be placed under trusteeship; and (d) no discussion of actual territories is contemplated at the forthcoming United Nations conference or in the preliminary consultations, and it will be a matter for subsequent agreement which territories within the above categories will be place under trusteeship. [Begin first section published Feb., 13, 1945.] II. DECLARATION OF LIBERATED EUROPE The following declaration has been approved: The Premier of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and the President of the United States of America have consulted with each other in the common interests of the people of their countries and those of liberated Europe. They jointly declare their mutual agreement to concert during the temporary period of instability in liberated Europe the policies of their three Governments in assisting the peoples liberated from the domination of Nazi Germany and the peoples of the former Axis satellite states of Europe to solve by democratic means their pressing political and economic problems. The establishment of order in Europe and the rebuilding of national economic life must be achieved by processes which will enable the liberated peoples to destroy the last vestiges of nazism and fascism and to create democratic institutions of their own choice. This is a principle of the Atlantic Charter - the right of all people to choose the form of government under which they will live - the restoration of sovereign rights and self-government to those peoples who have been forcibly deprived to them by the aggressor nations. To foster the conditions in which the liberated people may exercise these rights, the three governments will jointly assist the people in any European liberated state or former Axis state in Europe where, in their judgment conditions require, (a) to establish conditions of internal peace; (b) to carry out emergency relief measures for the relief of distressed peoples; (c) to form interim governmental authorities broadly representative of all democratic elements in the population and pledged to the earliest possible establishment through free elections of Governments responsive to the will of the people; and (d) to facilitate where necessary the holding of such elections. The three Governments will consult the other United Nations and provisional authorities or other Governments in Europe when matters of direct interest to them are under consideration. When, in the opinion of the three Governments, conditions in any European liberated state or former Axis satellite in Europe make such action necessary, they will immediately consult together on the measure necessary to discharge the joint responsibilities set forth in this declaration. By this declaration we reaffirm our faith in the principles of the Atlantic Charter, our pledge in the Declaration by the United Nations and our determination to build in cooperation with other peace-loving nations world order, under law, dedicated to peace, security, freedom and general well-being of all mankind. In issuing this declaration, the three powers express the hope that the Provisional Government of the French Republic may be associated with them in the procedure suggested. [End first section published Feb., 13, 1945.] III. DISMEMBERMENT OF GERMANY It was agreed that Article 12 (a) of the Surrender terms for Germany should be amended to read as follows: "The United Kingdom, the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics shall possess supreme authority with respect to Germany. In the exercise of such authority they will take such steps, including the complete dismemberment of Germany as they deem requisite for future peace and security." The study of the procedure of the dismemberment of Germany was referred to a committee consisting of Mr. Anthony Eden, Mr. John Winant, and Mr. Fedor T. Gusev. This body would consider the desirability of associating with it a French representative. IV. ZONE OF OCCUPATION FOR THE FRENCH AND CONTROL COUNCIL FOR GERMANY. It was agreed that a zone in Germany, to be occupied by the French forces, should be allocated France. This zone would be formed out of the British and American zones and its extent would be settled by the British and Americans in consultation with the French Provisional Government. It was also agreed that the French Provisional Government should be invited to become a member of the Allied Control Council for Germany. V. REPARATION The following protocol has been approved: Protocol On the Talks Between the Heads of Three Governments at the Crimean Conference on the Question of the German Reparations in Kind 1. Germany must pay in kind for the losses caused by her to the Allied nations in the course of the war. Reparations are to be received in the first instance by those countries which have borne the main burden of the war, have suffered the heaviest losses and have organized victory over the enemy. 2. Reparation in kind is to be exacted from Germany in three following forms: (a) Removals within two years from the surrender of Germany or the cessation of organized resistance from the national wealth of Germany located on the territory of Germany herself as well as outside her territory (equipment, machine tools, ships, rolling stock, German investments abroad, shares of industrial, transport and other enterprises in Germany, etc.), these removals to be carried out chiefly for the purpose of destroying the war potential of Germany. (b) Annual deliveries of goods from current production for a period to be fixed. (c) Use of German labor. 3. For the working out on the above principles of a detailed plan for exaction of reparation from Germany an Allied reparation commission will be set up in Moscow. It will consist of three representatives - one from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, one from the United Kingdom and one from the United States of America. 4. With regard to the fixing of the total sum of the reparation as well as the distribution of it among the countries which suffered from the German aggression, the Soviet and American delegations agreed as follows: "The Moscow reparation commission should take in its initial studies as a basis for discussion the suggestion of the Soviet Government that the total sum of the reparation in accordance with the points (a) and (b) of the Paragraph 2 should be 22 billion dollars and that 50 per cent should go to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics." The British delegation was of the opinion that, pending consideration of the reparation question by the Moscow reparation commission, no figures of reparation should be mentioned. The above Soviet-American proposal has been passed to the Moscow reparation commission as one of the proposals to be considered by the commission. VI. MAJOR WAR CRIMINALS The conference agreed that the question of the major war criminals should be the subject of inquiry by the three Foreign Secretaries for report in due course after the close of the conference. [Begin second section published Feb. 13, 1945.] VII. POLAND The following declaration on Poland was agreed by the conference: "A new situation has been created in Poland as a result of her complete liberation by the Red Army. This calls for the establishment of a Polish Provisional Government which can be more broadly based than was possible before the recent liberation of the western part of Poland. The Provisional Government which is now functioning in Poland should therefore be reorganized on a broader democratic basis with the inclusion of democratic leaders from Poland itself and from Poles abroad. This new Government should then be called the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity. "M. Molotov, Mr. Harriman and Sir A. Clark Kerr are authorized as a commission to consult in the first instance in Moscow with members of the present Provisional Government and with other Polish democratic leaders from within Poland and from abroad, with a view to the reorganization of the present Government along the above lines. This Polish Provisional Government of National Unity shall be pledged to the holding of free and unfettered elections as soon as possible on the basis of universal suffrage and secret ballot. In these elections all democratic and anti-Nazi parties shall have the right to take part and to put forward candidates. "When a Polish Provisional of Government National Unity has been properly formed in conformity with the above, the Government of the U.S.S.R., which now maintains diplomatic relations with the present Provisional Government of Poland, and the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the United States of America will establish diplomatic relations with the new Polish Provisional Government National Unity, and will exchange Ambassadors by whose reports the respective Governments will be kept informed about the situation in Poland. "The three heads of Government consider that the eastern frontier of Poland should follow the Curzon Line with digressions from it in some regions of five to eight kilometers in favor of Poland. They recognize that Poland must receive substantial accessions in territory in the north and west. They feel that the opinion of the new Polish Provisional Government of National Unity should be sought in due course of the extent of these accessions and that the final delimitation of the western frontier of Poland should thereafter await the peace conference." VIII. YUGOSLAVIA It was agreed to recommend to Marshal Tito and to Dr. Ivan Subasitch: (a) That the Tito-Subasitch agreement should immediately be put into effect and a new government formed on the basis of the agreement. (b) That as soon as the new Government has been formed it should declare: (I) That the Anti-Fascist Assembly of the National Liberation (AVNOJ) will be extended to include members of the last Yugoslav Skupstina who have not compromised themselves by collaboration with the enemy, thus forming a body to be known as a temporary Parliament and (II) That legislative acts passed by the Anti-Fascist Assembly of the National Liberation (AVNOJ) will be subject to subsequent ratification by a Constituent Assembly; and that this statement should be published in the communiqué of the conference. [End second section published Feb. 13, 1945.] IX. ITALO-YOGOSLAV FRONTIER - ITALO-AUSTRIAN FRONTIER Notes on these subjects were put in by the British delegation and the American and Soviet delegations agreed to consider them and give their views later. X. YUGOSLAV-BULGARIAN RELATIONS There was an exchange of views between the Foreign Secretaries on the question of the desirability of a Yugoslav-Bulgarian pact of alliance. The question at issue was whether a state still under an armistice regime could be allowed to enter into a treaty with another state. Mr. Eden suggested that the Bulgarian and Yugoslav Governments should be informed that this could not be approved. Mr. Stettinius suggested that the British and American Ambassadors should discuss the matter further with Mr. Molotov in Moscow. Mr. Molotov agreed with the proposal of Mr. Stettinius. XI. SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE The British delegation put in notes for the consideration of their colleagues on the following subjects: (a) The Control Commission in Bulgaria. (b) Greek claims upon Bulgaria, more particularly with reference to reparations. (c) Oil equipment in Rumania. XII. IRAN Mr. Eden, Mr. Stettinius and Mr. Molotov exchanged views on the situation in Iran. It was agreed that this matter should be pursued through the diplomatic channel. [Begin third section published Feb. 13, 1945.] XIII. MEETINGS OF THE THREE FOREIGN SECRETARIES The conference agreed that permanent machinery should be set up for consultation between the three Foreign Secretaries; they should meet as often as necessary, probably about every three or four months. These meetings will be held in rotation in the three capitals, the first meeting being held in London. [End third section published Feb. 13, 1945.] XIV. THE MONTREAUX CONVENTION AND THE STRAITS It was agreed that at the next meeting of the three Foreign Secretaries to be held in London, they should consider proposals which it was understood the Soviet Government would put forward in relation to the Montreaux Convention, and report to their Governments. The Turkish Government should be informed at the appropriate moment. The forgoing protocol was approved and signed by the three Foreign Secretaries at the Crimean Conference Feb. 11, 1945. E. R. Stettinius Jr. M. Molotov Anthony Eden AGREEMENT REGARDING JAPAN The leaders of the three great powers - the Soviet Union, the United States of America and Great Britain - have agreed that in two or three months after Germany has surrendered and the war in Europe is terminated, the Soviet Union shall enter into war against Japan on the side of the Allies on condition that: 1. The status quo in Outer Mongolia (the Mongolian People's Republic) shall be preserved. 2. The former rights of Russia violated by the treacherous attack of Japan in 1904 shall be restored, viz.: (a) The southern part of Sakhalin as well as the islands adjacent to it shall be returned to the Soviet Union; (b) The commercial port of Dairen shall be internationalized, the pre-eminent interests of the Soviet Union in this port being safeguarded, and the lease of Port Arthur as a naval base of the U.S.S.R. restored; (c) The Chinese-Eastern Railroad and the South Manchurian Railroad, which provide an outlet to Dairen, shall be jointly operated by the establishment of a joint Soviet-Chinese company, it being understood that the pre-eminent interests of the Soviet Union shall be safeguarded and that China shall retain sovereignty in Manchuria; 3. The Kurile Islands shall be handed over to the Soviet Union. It is understood that the agreement concerning Outer Mongolia and the ports and railroads referred to above will require concurrence of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. The President will take measures in order to maintain this concurrence on advice from Marshal Stalin. The heads of the three great powers have agreed that these claims of the Soviet Union shall be unquestionably fulfilled after Japan has been defeated. For its part, the Soviet Union expresses it readiness to conclude with the National Government of China a pact of friendship and alliance between the U.S.S.R. and China in order to render assistance to China with its armed forces for the purpose of liberating China from the Japanese yoke. Joseph Stalin Franklin d. Roosevelt Winston S. Churchill February 11, 1945. End Section [mm] ********************************************************************* Section [nn] THE GERMAN SURRENDER DOCUMENTS - WWII: This file contains the following documents in order of appearance in the file: (1) Instrument of Surrender of All German armed forces in HOLLAND, in northwest Germany including all islands, and in DENMARK. (2) ACT OF MILITARY SURRENDER (Signed at Rheims) (3) UNDERTAKING GIVEN BY CERTAIN GERMAN EMISSARIES TO THE ALLIED HIGH COMMANDS (4) ACT OF MILITARY SURRENDER (Berlin) (5) SPECIAL ORDERS BY THE SUPREME COMMANDER, ALLIED EXPEDITIONARY FORCE TO THE GERMAN HIGH COMMAND RELATING TO NAVAL FORCES (6) BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA A PROCLAMATION ---------------------------------------------------------------- (1) Instrument of Surrender of All German armed forces in HOLLAND, in northwest Germany including all islands, and in DENMARK. 1. The German Command agrees to the surrender of all armed forces in HOLLAND, in northwest GERMANY including the FRISLIAN ISLANDS and HELIGOLAND and all islands, in SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN, and in DENMARK, to the C.-in-C. 21 Army Group. =This to include all naval ships in these areas= These forces to lay down their arms and to surrender unconditionally. 2. All hostilities on land, on sea, or in the air by German forces in the above areas to cease at 0800 hrs. British Double Summer Time on Saturday 5 May 1945. 3. The German command to carry out at once, and without argument or comment, all further orders that will be issued by the Allied Powers on any subject. 4. Disobedience of orders, or failure to comply with them, will be regarded as a breach of these surrender terms and will be dealt with by the Allied Powers in accordance with the laws and usages of war. 5. This instrument of surrender is independent of, without prejudice to, and will be superseded by any general instrument of surrender imposed by or on behalf of the Allied Powers and applicable to Germany and the German armed forces as a whole. 6. This instrument of surrender is written in English and in German. The English version is the authentic text. 7. The decision of the Allied Powers will be final if any doubt or dispute arise as to the meaning or interpretation of the surrender terms. =HANS GEORG von FRIEDBERG= =KINZEL= =G. WAGNER= =B. L. MONTGOMERY= =Field - Marshal= =POLECK= =FRIEDEL= =4 May 1945= =1830 hrs.= --------------------------------------- {Reichspresident Donitz's authorization to Colonel General Jodl} {to conclude a general surrender:} Hauptquartier, den 6. Mai 1945 Ich bevollmachtige Generaloberst J o d l , Chef des Wehrmachtfuhrungsstabes in Oberkommando der Wehrmact, zum Abschluss eines Waffenstill-standsbkommens mit dem Hauptquartier des Generals E i s e n h o w e r . [ SEAL ] =DONITZ= GroBadmiral. --------------------------------------- Only this text in English is authoritative ---------------------------------------------------------------- (2) ACT OF MILITARY SURRENDER (Signed at Rheims) 1. We the undersigned, acting by authority of the German High Command, hereby surrender unconditionally to the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Forces and simultaneously to the Soviet High Command all forces on land, sea and in the air who are at this date under German control. 2. The German High Command will at once issue orders to all German military, naval and air authorities and to all forces under German control to cease active operations at =2301= hours Central European time on = 8 May = and to remain in the positions occupied at that time. No ship, vessel, or aircraft is to be scuttled, or any damage done to their hull, machinery or equipment. 3. The German High Command will at once issue to the appropriate commander, and ensure the carrying out of any further orders issued by the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force and by the Soviet High Command. 4. This act of military surrender is without prejudice to, and will be superseded by any general instrument of surrender imposed by, or on behalf of the United Nations and applicable to GERMANY and the German armed forces as a whole. 5. In the event of the German High Command or any of the forces under their control failing to act in accordance with this Act of Surrender, the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force and the Soviet High Command will take such punitive or other action as they deem appropriate. Signed at =RHEIMS at 0241= on the =7th= day of May, 1945. =France= On behalf of the German High Command. =JODL= IN THE PRESENCE OF On behalf of the Supreme Commander, On behalf of the Soviet Allied Expeditionary Force. High Command =W. B. SMITH= =SOUSLOPAROV= =F SEVEZ= Major General, French Army (Witness) --------------------------------------- SUPREME HEADQUARTERS ALLIED EXPEDITIONARY FORCE SERIAL 1 ORDERS BY THE SUPREME COMMANDER, ALLIED EXPEDITIONARY FORCE RELATING TO ARMY AND AIR FORCES UNDER GERMAN CONTROL 1. Local commanders of the Army and Air Force under German control on the Western Front, in NORWAY and in the CHANNEL ISLANDS will hold themselves in readiness to receive detailed orders for the surrender of their forces from the Supreme Commander's subordinate commanders opposite their front. 2. In the case of NORWAY the Supreme Commander's representatives will be the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Scottish Command and Air Officer Commanding 13 Group RAF. 3. In the case of the CHANNEL ISLANDS the Supreme Commander's representatives will be the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Southern Command and Air Officer Commanding 10 Group RAF. =WALTER B SMITH= Signed.................... For the Supreme Commander, RAF Dated =0241 7th= May, 1945 =Rheims France= ---------------------------------------------------------------- (3) UNDERTAKING GIVEN BY CERTAIN GERMAN EMISSARIES TO THE ALLIED HIGH COMMANDS It is agreed by the German emissaries undersigned that the following German officers will arrive at a place and time designated by the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force, and the Soviet High Command prepared, with plenary powers, to execute a formal ratification on behalf of the German High Command of this act of Unconditional Surrender of the German armed forces. Chief of the High Command Commander-in-Chief of the Army Commander-in-Chief of the Navy Commander-in-Chief of the Air Forces. SIGNED =JODL= Representing the German High Command. DATED =0241 7th May 1945= =Rheims, France= --------------------------------------- {Reichspresident Donitz's authorization to German representatives to execute ratification} A b s c h r i f t. Der Oberste Befehlshaber Hauptquartier, den 7.5.45. der Wehrmact /Bitte in der Antwort vorstehendesGeschaftszeichen, das Datum und kurzen Inhalt anzugegen./ ICH BEVOLLMACHTIGE GENERALFELDMARSCHALL K E I T E L ALS CHEF DES OBERKOMMANDOS DER WEHRMACHT UND ZUGLEICH ALS OBERBEFEHLSHABER DES HEERES, GENERALADMIRAL VON FRIEDBERG ALS OBERBEFEHLSHABER DER KRIEGSMARINE, GENERALOBERST S T U M P F ALS VERTRETER DES OBERBEFEHLSHABERS DER LUFTWAFFE ZUR RATIFIZIERUNG DER BEDINGUNGSLKSEN KAPITULATION DER DEUTSCHEN STREITKRAFTE GEGENUBER DEM OBERBEFEHLSHABER DER ALLIIERTEN EXPEDITIONSSTREITKRAFTE UND DEM SOWYET-OBER-KOMMANDO. DONITZ GROBADMIRAL. Siegel. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (4) ACT OF MILITARY SURRENDER (Berlin) 1. We the undersigned, acting by authority of the German High Command, hereby surrender unconditionally to the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force and simultaneously to the Supreme High Command of the Red Army all forces on land, at sea, and in the air who are at this date under German control. 2. The German High Command will at once issue order to all German military, naval and air authorities and to all forces under German control to cease active operations at 2301 hours Central European time on 8th May 1945, to remain in all positions occupied at that time and to disarm completely, handing over their weapons and equipment to the local allied commanders or officers designated by Representatives of the Allied Supreme Commands. No ship, vessel, or aircraft is to be scuttled, or any damage done to their hull, machinery or equipment, and also to machines of all kinds, armament, apparatus, and all the technical means of prosecution of war in general. 3. The German High Command will at once issue to the appropriate commanders, and ensure the carrying out of any further orders issued by the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force and by the Supreme Command of the Red Army. 4. This act of military surrender is without prejudice to, and will be superseded by any general instrument of surrender imposed by, or on behalf of the United Nations and applicable to GERMANY and the German armed forces as a whole. 5. In the event of the German High Command or any of the forces under their control failing to act in accordance with this Act of Surrender, the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force and the Supreme High Command of the Red Army will take such punitive or other action as they deem appropriate. 6. This Act is drawn up in the English, Russian and German languages. The English and Russian are the only authentic texts. Signed at =Berlin= on the =8 . = day of May, 1945 =Von Friedeburg= =Keitel= =Stumpff= On behalf of the German High Command IN THE PRESENCE OF: =A.W.Tedder= On behalf of the On behalf of the Supreme Commander Supreme High Command of the Allied Expeditionary Force Red Army =Georgi Zhukov= At the signing also were present as witnesses: =F. de Lattre-Tassigny= =Carl Spaatz= General Commanding in Chief General, Commanding First French Army United States Strategic Air Force ---------------------------------------------------------------- (5) SPECIAL ORDERS BY THE SUPREME COMMANDER, ALLIED EXPEDITIONARY FORCE TO THE GERMAN HIGH COMMAND RELATING TO NAVAL FORCES For the purpose of these orders the term "Allied Representatives" shall be deemed to include the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force, and any subordinate commander, staff officer or agent acting pursuant to his orders. SPECIAL ORDERS BY THE SUPREME COMMANDER, ALLIED EXPEDITIONARY FORCE TO THE GERMAN HIGH COMMAND RELATING TO NAVAL FORCES PART I GENERAL Definition of Naval Forces 1. For the purpose of these orders all formations, units, and personnel of the German Navy together with the Marine Kusten Polizie shall be referred to as the German Naval Forces. 2. Members of the Marine Kusten Polizie will immediately be placed under the command of the appropriate German Naval Commanders who will be responsible for their maintenance and supply where applicable, to the same extent and degree as for units of the German Navy. German Naval Representatives and information required immediately 3. The German High Command will dispatch within 48 hours after the surrender becomes effective, a responsible Flag Officer to the Allied Naval Commander, Expeditionary Force at his headquarters. This Flag Officer will furnish the Allied Naval Commander, Expeditionary Force, with:- a. Corrected copies of charts showing all minefields in Western Europe waters, including the BALTIC as far as LUBECK (inclusive) which have been laid by German and German-controlled vessels or aircraft, positions of all wrecks, booms and other underwater obstructions in this area, details of the German convoy routes and searched channels and of all buoys, lights and other navigational aids in this area. The appropriate navigational publications are also required. b. Details of the exact location of all departments and branches of the German Admiralty (OKM). c. All available information concerning the numbers and types of German minesweepers and sperrbrechers in German controlled Dutch ports and German NORTH SEA ports that can be obtained without delaying his departure. This German Flag Officer is to be accompanied by a Communications Officer who is familiar with the German Naval W/T organization and who is to bring with him the current naval communications Orders, including allocation of frequencies, list of W/T and R/T call signs in force, and a list of all codes and cyphers in use, and intended to be brought into use. d. Location of all surface warships down to and including "Elbing" class Torpedo Boats, and of all submarines and "E" Boats. 4. The German High Command will also dispatch within 48 hours after the surrender becomes effective a responsible officer, not below the rank of Captain, by coastal craft to report to the Admiral Commanding at DOVER for onward routing to Commander-in- Chief, THE NORE, with:- a. Corrected copies of charts showing all minefields in the NORTH SEA SOUTH of 54 30' NORTH and EAST of 1 30' EAST laid by German and German-controlled vessels or aircraft, positions of all wrecks, booms and all other underwater obstructions; details of all German Convoy routes and searched channels in this area, and of all buoys, lights and other navigational aids which are under German control. Appropriate navigational publications are also required. b. All available information concerning the numbers and types of German minesweepers and sperrbrechers in German controlled Dutch ports and German NORTH SEA ports that can be obtained without delaying his departure. 5. Another responsible German Naval Officer, with similar information is to be dispatched by unescorted aircraft painted white to MANSTON Aerodrome position 51 20' NORTH, 1 20' EAST for onward routing to Commander-in-Chief, THE NORE. 6. The German High Command will issue instructions to certain German naval commands as indicated below:- a. The Naval Commander-in-Chief, NORTH SEA will dispatch by coastal craft within 48 hours after the surrender becomes effective a responsible officer, not below the rank of Captain, to the Admiral Commanding at DOVER for onward routing to Commander-in-Chief, THE NORE, with:- (1) details of minesweeping operations carried out in the German convoy route between the HOOK OF HOLLAND and HAMBURG and in approaches to harbours between these two ports during the previous 60 days; (2) numbers and positions of all British mines swept during these operations; (3) details of all controlled minefields in this area and information whether they have been rendered ineffective; (4) details of all other mining and types of mines employed in the harbours and harbour approaches of CUXHAVEN, EMDEN, TERSCHELLING, TEXEL, IJMUIDEN, AMSTERDAM, SCHEVENINGEN, HOOK OF HOLLAND and ROTTERDAM; (5) berthing facilities in the harbours enumerated in paragraph (6a). (4) above and the numbers of auxiliary minesweepers which can be accommodated; (6) a list of all W/T and R/T call signs in use by the German Navy. Any of the above information which cannot be obtained without delaying the departure of this officer will be forwarded subsequently as soon as it is available. b. The Naval Commander-in-Chief, NORTH SEA, will also dispatch as soon as possible by coastal craft to DOVER thirteen German Naval Officers who must be familiar with the German swept channels between the HOOK OF HOLLAND and CUXHAVEN. These officers will bring with them all the charts and books required for navigation in this area and will be accompanied by pilots (and interpreters if necessary). c. The Naval Commander-in-Chief, NORWAY, will dispatch by sea within 48 hours after the surrender becomes effective, a responsible officer, not below the rank o Captain to the Commander-in-Chief, ROSYTH, with corrected copies of charts showing all German minefields in the NORTH SEA, NORTH of 56 NORTH, all wrecks, booms and other underwater obstructions, details of German convoy routes and searched channels in this area, of the approach channels to the principal Norwegian ports and of all buoys, lights and other navigational aids in this area. This officer will also bring with him the disposition of all "U" Boats and details of all orders affecting their future movements. He will be accompanied by six German Naval Officers with pilots (and interpreters if necessary) who are familiar with the coastal swept channels between OSLO and TROMSO. These officers will bring with them all the charts and books required for navigation in Norwegian waters, and a list of all W/T and R/T call signs in use by the German Navy. d. The Naval Commander-in-Chief, NORWAY, will dispatch a duplicate party to the above with similar information by an unescorted aircraft painted white to DREM Airfield 56 02' NORTH 02 48' WEST. e. The Naval Commander-in-Chief, NORWAY, will report by W/T to the Commander-in-Chief, ROSYTH, within 48 hours after the surrender becomes effective, the following information:- (1) Berthing facilities at OSLO, CHRISTIANSAND, STAVANGER, BERGEN, TRONDHEIM, NARVIK, and TROMSO. (2) The appropriate quantities of furnace oil fuel, diesel oil fuel, and coal at all the principal Norwegian ports between OSLO and TROMSO. 7. The German Admiral SKGGERAK will dispatch by sea within 48 hours after the surrender becomes effective, a responsible officer not below the rank of Captain, to the Commander-in- Chief, ROSYTH, with corrected copies of charts showing all German minefields, wrecks, booms, and other underwater obstructions, details of German convoy routes and searched channels, buoys, lights and other navigational aids in the KAGGERAK, KATTEGAT, THE BEITS AND SOUND, KIEL BAY and BALTIC WATERS WEST of 14 EAST. This officer will also bring with him the disposition of all "U" boats in the above area and details of all orders affecting their future movements. He will be accompanied by three German Naval officers with pilots (and interpreters if necessary) who are familiar with the coastal swept channels, and channels in the Swedish territorial waters, in the waters referred to above. These officers will bring with them all the charts and books required for navigation in these waters, and a list of all W/T and R/T call signs in use by the German Navy. The German Admiral SKAGGERAK will dispatch a duplicate party to that specified above, with similar information, by air in unescorted aircraft painted white to DREM Airfield 56 02' NORTH 02 48' WEST. 8. The German Naval Officers who will be dispatched to DOVER and ROSYTH by sea will proceed to positions in latitude 51 19' NORTH longitude 1 43' EAST and latitude 56 47' NORTH longitude 1 13' WEST respectively, where they will be met by British warships and escorted to their destination. The ships or craft in which they travel are to fly a large white flag at the masthead by day and are to illuminate these white flags by night. These ships are to broadcast their positions hourly by W/T on 500 ks. (600 meters) whilst on passage. Information required within fourteen days 9. The German High Command will furnish the following information to the Allied Naval Commander, Expeditionary Force, at by within fourteen days of cessation of hostilities. a. Locations of all warships, auxiliaries and armed coastal craft operating under the orders of the German Naval Command stating particulars of the operational unit to which they are attached, giving approximate totals of all naval personal embarked in each vessel, (including naval flak and merchant ship flak). b. A statement of the organizations of all naval shore Commands, giving location of all naval establishments, including establishments for experiment and research, names of all Commanding Officers and Principal Staff Officers of the rank of Commander in each establishment. c. A statement of the strength and location of all naval land forces including naval infantry, naval flak, merchant ship flak and naval personnel manning naval coast artillery and full particulars of all Coastal and port defenses giving nature and locations. d. Lists of stocks of furnace oil fuels, diesel oil fuel, petrol, and coal of 500 tons or more at, or in the vicinity of, all ports between IJMUIDEN and HAMBURG inclusive. e. A statement of location of the principal naval armament depots with approximate overall stocks of each major item held. f. The following communications information:- (1) location and details concerning all V/S, W/T (including D/F) and radar stations in use by, and under construction for the German Navy, these details to include types and capabilities of all equipment fitted. (2) details of the current naval W/T organization, lists of W/T and R/T call signs in force, and allocation of all frequencies for communication and radar purposes. (3) location and details of all naval communications (including Infra-Red) and naval radar training and research establishments. g. Full details of all German minefields in the NORTH SEA, SKAGGERAK, KATTEGAT, BEITS, and SOUND. h. Full details of the German naval minesweeping organization including the communications organization. j. Full details of the communications (including Infra-Red) and radar equipment fitted in all German minesweepers and sperrbrechers. k. Technical details of all types of minesweeping gear used by the German Navy. l. Details of all mining and types of mines employed and of berthing facilities available for ships of 150 feet in length and 16 feet draught at:- BREMERHAVEN WILHELMSHAVEN SCHIERMONNIKOOG DELFZIJL 10. The German High Command will also furnish the Allied Naval Commander, Expeditionary Force, with two copies of all coding and cyphering systems which have been, are being, or were to be used by the German Navy with the necessary instructions for their use and the dates between which they have been, or were to have been used. PART II - CONTROL AND DISARMAMENT Orders to warships, auxiliaries, merchant ships and other craft 11. The German High Command will forthwith direct all German and German-controlled warships, auxiliaries, merchant ships and other craft to comply with the following instructions:- a. All warships, auxiliaries, merchant ships and other craft in harbours are to remain in harbour pending further directions from the Allied Representatives. b. All warships, auxiliaries, merchant ships and other craft at sea are to report their positions in plain language immediately to the nearest British, US or Soviet Coast Wireless Telegraphy station on 500 kc/s (600 metres), and are to proceed to the nearest German or Allied port or such ports as the Allied Representatives may direct, and remain there pending further directions from the Allied Representatives. At night they are to show lights and to display searchlights with beams held vertically. c. All warships and merchant ships whether in port or at sea will immediately train all weapons fore and aft. All torpedo tubes will be unloaded and breech blocks will be removed from all guns. d. All warships and merchant ships in German or German- controlled harbours will immediately land and store in safety all ammunition, warheads and other explosives. They will land all portable weapons but, pending further instructions, warships will retain onboard the fixed armament. Fire control and all other equipment will be maintained on board intact and fully efficient. e. All minesweeping vessels are to carry out the means of disarmament prescribed in c. and d. above, (except that they will however, retain on board such portable weapons and explosives as are required for minesweeping purposes) and are to be prepared immediately for minesweeping service under the direction of the Allied Representatives. They will complete with fuel where necessary. f. All German salvage vessels are to carry out the measures of disarmament prescribed in c. and d. above (except that they will retain on board such explosives as are required for salvage purposes.) These vessels, together with all salvage equipment and personnel, are to be prepared for immediate salvage operations under the direction of the Allied Representatives, completing with fuel where necessary for this purpose. g. The movement of transport on the inland waterways of GERMANY may continue, subject to orders from the Allied Representatives. No vessels moving on inland waterways will proceed to neutral waters. Submarines 12. The German High Command will transmit by W/T on appropriate frequencies the two messages in Annexures 'A' and 'B' which contain instructions to submarines at sea. Naval Aircraft 13. The German High Command will forthwith direct that:- a. German naval aircraft are not to leave the ground or water or ship pending directions from the Allied Representatives; b. naval aircraft in the air are to return immediately to their bases. Neutral shipping 14. The German High Command will forthwith direct that all neutral merchant ships in German and German-controlled ports are to be detained pending further directions from the Allied Representatives. Orders relating to sabotage, scuttling, safety measures, pilotage and personnel 15. The German High Command will forthwith issue categorical directions that:- a. No ship, vessel or aircraft of any description is to be scuttled, or any damage done to their hull, machinery or equipment. b. all harbour works and port facilities of whatever nature, including telecommunications and radar stations, are to be preserved and kept free from destruction or damage pending further directions from the Allied Representatives, and all necessary steps taken and all necessary orders issued to prohibit any act of scuttling, sabotage, or other willful damage. c. all boom defenses at all ports and harbours are to be opened and kept open at all times; where possible, they are to be removed. d. all controlled minefields at all ports and harbours are to be disconnected and rendered ineffective. e. all demolition charges in all ports and harbour works are to be removed or rendered ineffective and their presence indicated. f. the existing wartime system of navigational lighting is to be maintained, except that all dimmed lights are to be shown at full brilliancy, and lights only shown by special arrangement are to be exhibited continuously. In particular:- (1) HELIGOLAND Light is to be burnt at full brilliancy. (2) The bouyage of the coastal convoy route from the HOOK OF HOLLAND to HAMBURG is to be commenced, mid-channel light buoys being laid six miles apart. (3) Two ships are to be anchored as mark vessels in the following positions:- 54 20' N, 5 00' E. 54 20' N, 6 30' E. These ships are to fly a large black flag at the masthead by day and by night are to flash a searchlight vertically every 30 seconds. g. All pilotage services are to continue to operate and all pilots are to be held at their normal stations ready for service and equipped with their charts. h. German Naval and other personnel concerned in the operation of ports and administrative services in ports are to remain at their stations and to continue to carry out their normal duties. Personnel 16. The German High Command will forthwith direct that except as may be required for the purpose of giving effect to the above special orders:- a. all personnel in German warships, auxiliaries, merchant ships and other craft, are to remain on board their ships pending further directions from the Allied Representatives. b. all Naval personnel ashore are to remain in their establishments. 17. The German High Command will be responsible for the immediate and total disarmament of all naval personnel on shore. The orders issued to the German High Command in respect of the disarmament and war material of land forces will apply also to naval personnel on shore. =H. M. BURROUGH= Signed....................... For the Supreme Commander, AEF. =Dated 0241 7th May 1945= =Rheims, France= ANNEXURE 'A' SURRENDER OF GERMAN "U" BOAT FLEET To all "U" Boats at sea: Carry out the following instructions forthwith which have been given by the Allied Representatives (A) Surface immediately and remain surfaced. (B) Report immediately in P/L your position in latitude and longitude and number of your "U" Boat to nearest British, US, Canadian or Soviet coast W/T station on 500 kc/s (600 metres) and to call sign GZZ 10 on one of the following high frequencies: 16845 - 12685 or 5970 kc/s. (C) Fly a large black or blue flag by day. (D) Burn navigation lights by night. (E) Jettison all ammunition, remove breachblocks from guns and render torpedoes safe by removing pistols. All mines are to be rendered safe. (F) Make all signals in P/L. (G) Follow strictly the instructions for proceeding to Allied ports from your present area given in immediately following message. (H) Observe strictly the orders of Allied Representatives to refrain from scuttling or in any way damaging your "U" Boat. 2. These instructions will be repeated at two-hour intervals until further notice. ANNEXURE 'B' To all "U" Boats at sea. Observe strictly the instructions already given to remain fully surfaced. Report your position course and speed every 8 hours. Obey any instructions that may be given to you by any Allied authority. The following are the areas and routes for "U" Boats surrendering- (1) Area 'A'. a. Bound on West by meridian 026 degs West and South by parallel 043 degs North in Barents Sea by meridian 020 degs East in Baltic Approaches by line joining the Naze and Hantsholm but excludes Irish Sea between 051 degs thirty mins and 055 degs 00 mins North and English Channel between line of Lands End Scilly Islands Ushant and line of Dover-Calais. b. Join one of following routes at nearest point and proceed along it to Loch Eriboll (058 degs 33 minutes North 004 degs 37 mins West) Blue route: All positions North and West unless otherwise indicated 049 degs 00 mins 009 degs 00 mins 053 degs 00 mins 012 degs 00 mins 058 degs 00 mins 011 degs 00 mins 059 degs 00 mins 005 degs 30 mins thence to Loch Eriboll. Red route: 053 degs 45 mins North 003 degs 00 mins East 059 degs 45 mins 001 degs 00 mins 059 degs 45 mins 003 degs 00 mins thence to Loch Eriboll. c. Arrive at Loch Eriboll between sunrise and 3 hours before sunset. (2) Area 'B' a. The Irish Sea between parallel of 051 degs 30 mins and 055 degs 00 mins North. b. Proceed Beaumaris Bay (053 degs 19 mins North 003 degs 58 mins West) to arrive between sunrise and 3 hours before sunset. (3) Area 'C' a. The English Channel between line of Lands End - Scilly Isles - Ushant and line of Dover - Calais. b. 'U' Boats in area 'C' are to join one of following routes at nearest point: Green route: position 'A' 049 degs 10 mins North 005 degs 40 mins West position 'B' 050 degs 00 mins North 003 degs 00 mins West thence escorted to Weymouth. Orange route: position 'X' 050 degs 30 mins North 000 degs 50 mins East position 'Y' 050 degs 10 mins North 001 degs 50 mins West thence escorted to Weymouth. c. Arrive at either 'B' or 'Y' between sunrise and 3 hours before sunset. (4) Area 'D' a. Bound on West by lines joining The Naze and Hantsholm and on East by lines joining Lubeck and Trelleborg. b. Proceed to Kiel. (5) Area 'E' a. Mediterranean Approaches bound on North by 043 degs North on South by 026 degs North and on West by 026 degs West. b. Proceed to a rendezvous in position 'A' 036 degs 00 mins North 011 degs 00 mins West and await escort reporting expected time of arrival in plain language to Admiral Gibraltar on 500 kc/s. c. Arrive in position 'A' between sunrise and noon G.M.T. (6) Area 'F' a. The North and South Atlantic West of 026 degs West. b. Proceed to nearest of one of following points arriving between sunrise and 3 hours before sunset: W 043 degs 30 mins North 070 degs 00 mins West approach from a point 15 miles due East X 038 degs 20 mins North 074 degs 25 mins West approach from a point 047 degs 18 mins North 051 30 mins West on a course 270 degs Z 043 31 mins North 065 degs 05 mins West approach from point 042 degs 59 mins North 054 degs 28 mins West on a course 320 degs. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (6) BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA A PROCLAMATION The Allied armies, through sacrifice and devotion and with God's help, have wrung from Germany a final and unconditional surrender. The western world has been freed of the evil forces which for five years and longer have imprisoned the bodies and broken the lives of millions upon millions of free-born men. They have violated their churches, destroyed their homes, corrupted their children, and murdered their loved ones. Our Armies of Liberation have restored freedom to these suffering peoples, whose spirit and will the oppressors could never enslave. Much remains to be done. The victory won in the West must now be won in the East. The whole world must be cleansed of the evil from which half the world has been freed. United, the peace- loving nations have demonstrated in the West that their arms are stronger by far than the might of dictators or the tyranny of military cliques that once called us soft and weak. The power of our peoples to defend themselves against all enemies will be proved in the Pacific was as it has been proved in Europe. For the triumph of spirit and of arms which we have won, and of its promise to peoples everywhere who join us in the love of freedom, it is fitting that we, as a nation, give thanks to Almighty God, who has strengthened us and given us the victory. NOW, THEREFORE, I, HARRY S. TRUMAN, President of the United States of America, do hereby appoint Sunday, May 13, 1945 to be a day of prayer. I call upon the people of the United States, whatever their faith, to unite in offering joyful thanks to God for the victory we have won and to pray that He will support us to the end of our present struggle and guide us into the way of peace. I also call upon my countrymen to dedicate this day of prayer to the memory of those who have given their lives to make possible our victory. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington this eighth day of May in the year of our Lord ----------------------------------- | | nineteen hundred | | | | and forty-five | T H E G R E A T S E A L | | | and of the | | | O F T H E | Independence | | | | of the United | U N I T E D S T A T E S | | | States of America | O F | | | the one hundred | A M E R I C A | | | and sixty-ninth. | | ----------------------------------- By the President: =Harry S. Truman= ------------------------------------- Prepared by Monty "Doc" White (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa201) Distributed by the Cybercasting Services Division of the National Public Telecomputing Network (NPTN). Permission is hereby granted to download, reprint, and/or otherwise redistribute this file, provided appropriate point of origin credit is given to the preparer(s) and the National Public Telecomputing Network. Reformatted, edited, and indexed by Larry W. Jewell, 4-10-93 End Section [nn] ********************************************************************* Section [oo] THE JAPANESE SURRENDER DOCUMENTS - WWII: This file contains the following documents in order of appearance in the file: (1) PROCLAMATION DEFINING TERMS FOR JAPANESE SURRENDER (2) OFFER OF SURRENDER FROM JAPANESE GOVERNMENT (3) JAPANESE ACCEPTANCE OF POTSDAM DECLARTION (4) TRANSLATION of Foreign Minister Shiegemitsu's credentials (5) TRANSLATION of General Umezu's credentials (6) INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER (7) Translation of Emperor Hirohito's Receipt of the Surrender documents (8) INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER of the Japanese and Japanese- Controlled Armed Forces in the Philippine Islands to the Commanding General United States Army Forces, Western Pacific (9) FORMAL SURRENDER BY THE SENIOR JAPANESE GROUND,SEA, AIR AND AUXILIARY FORCES COMMANDS WITHIN KOREA SOUTH OF 38 NORTH LATITUDE TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES IN KOREA, FOR AND IN BEHALF OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PAFIFIC (10) INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER OF JAPANESE FORCES UNDER THE COMMAND OR CONTROL OF THE SUPREME COMMANDER, JAPANESE EXPEDITIONARY FORCES, SOUTHERN REGIONS, WITHIN THE OPERATIONAL THEATRE OF THE SUPREME ALLIED COMMANDER, SOUTH EAST ASIA ---------------------------------------------------------------- (1) PROCLAMATION DEFINING TERMS FOR JAPANESE SURRENDER (The Department of State Bulletin, Vol. XIII, No. 318, July 29, 1945) (1) We - the President of the United States, the President of the National Government of the Republic of China, and the Prime Minister of Great Britain, representing the hundreds of millions of our countrymen, have conferred and agree that Japan shall be given an opportunity to end this war. (2) The prodigious land, sea and air forces of the United States, the British Empire and of China, many times reinforced by their armies and air fleets from the west, are poised to strike the final blows upon Japan. This military power is sustained and inspired by the determination of all the Allied Nations to prosecute the war against Japan until she ceases to resist. (3) The result of the futile and senseless German resistance to the might of the aroused free peoples of the world stands forth in awful clarity as an example to the people of Japan. The might that now converges on Japan is immeasurably greater than that which, when applied to the resisting Nazis, necessarily laid waste to the lands, the industry and the method of life of the whole German people. The full application of our military power, backed by our resolve, WILL mean the inevitable and complete destruction of the Japanese armed forces and just as inevitably the utter destruction of the Japanese homeland. (4) The time has come for Japan to decide whether she will continue to be controlled by those self-willed militaristic advisers whose unintelligent calculations have brought the Empire of Japan to the threshold of annihilation, or whether she will follow the path of reason. (5) Following are our terms. We will not deviate from them. There are no alternatives. We shall brook no delay. (6) There must be eliminated for all time the authority and influence of those who have deceived and misled the people of Japan into embarking on world conquest, for we insist that a new order of peace, security and justice will be impossible until irresponsible militarism is driven from the world. (7) Until such a new order is established AND until there is convincing proof that Japan's war-making power is destroyed, points in Japanese territory to be designated by the Allies shall be occupied to secure the achievement of the basic objectives we are here setting forth. (8) The terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out and Japanese sovereignty shall be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, and such minor islands as we determine. (9) The Japanese military forces, after being completely disarmed, shall be permitted to return to their homes with the opportunity to lead peaceful and productive lives. (10) We don not intend that the Japanese shall be enslaved as a race or destroyed as a nation, but stern justice shall be meted out to all war criminals, including those who have visited cruelties upon our prisoners. The Japanese Government shall remove all obstacles to the revival and strengthening of democratic tendencies among the Japanese people. Freedom of speech, of religion and of thought, as well as respect for the fundamental human rights, shall be established. (11) Japan shall be permitted to maintain such industries as will sustain her economy and permit the exaction of just reparations in kind, but not those which would enable her to rearm for war. To this end, access to, as distinguished from control of, raw materials shall be permitted. Eventual Japanese participation in world trade relations shall be permitted. (12) The occupying forces of the Allies shall be withdrawn from Japan as soon as these objectives have been accomplished and there has been established, in accordance with the freely expressed will of the Japanese people, a peacefully inclined and responsible Government. (13) We call upon the Government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction. ---------------------------------------------------------------- (2) OFFER OF SURRENDER FROM JAPANESE GOVERNMENT (Department of State Bulletin, Vol. XIII, No. 320, Aug. 12, 1945) August 10, 1945 Sir; I have the honor to inform you that the Japanese Minister in Switzerland, upon instructions received from his Government, has requested the Swiss Political Department to advise the Government of the United States of America of the following: "In obedience to the gracious command of His Majesty the Emperor who, ever anxious to enhance the cause of world peace, desires earnestly to bring about a speedy termination of hostilities with a view to saving mankind from the calamities to be imposed upon them by further continuation of the war, the Japanese Government several weeks ago asked the Soviet Government, with which neutral relations then prevailed, to render good offices in restoring peace vis a vis the enemy powers. Unfortunately, these efforts in the interest of peace having failed, the Japanese Government in conformity with the august wish of His Majesty to restore the general peace and desiring to put an end to the untold sufferings entailed by war as quickly as possible, have decided upon the following. "The Japanese Government are ready to accept the terms enumerated in the joint declaration which was issued at Potsdam on July 26th, 1945, by the heads of the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, and China, and later subscribed to by the Soviet Government, with the understanding that the said declaration does not comprise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a Sovereign Ruler. "The Japanese Government sincerely hope that this understanding is warranted and desire keenly that an explicit indication to that effect will be speedily forthcoming." In transmitting the above message the Japanese Minister added that his Government begs the Government of the United States to forward its answer through the intermediary of Switzerland. Similar requests are being transmitted to the Governments of Great Britain and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics through the intermediary of Sweden, as well as to the Government of China through the intermediary of Switzerland. The Chinese Minister at Berne has already been informed of the foregoing through the channel of the Swiss Political Department. Please be assured that I am at your disposal at any time to accept for and forward to my Government the reply of Government of the United States. Accept (etc.) Grassli, Charge d'Affaires ad interim of Switzerland The Honorable James F. Byrnes Secretary of State August 11, 1945 Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your note of August 10, and in reply to inform you that the President of the United States has directed me to send you for transmission to the Japanese Government the following message on behalf of the Governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and China: "With regard to the Japanese Government's message accepting the terms of the Potsdam proclamation but containing the statement, 'with the understanding that the said declaration does not comprise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a sovereign ruler,' our position is as follows: "From the moment of surrender the authority of the Emperor and the Japanese Government to rule the state shall be subject to the Supreme Commander of the Allied powers who will take such steps as he deems proper to effectuate the surrender terms. "The Emperor will be required to authorize and ensure the signature by the Government of Japan and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters of the surrender terms necessary to carry out the provisions of the Potsdam Declaration, and shall issue his commands to all the Japanese military, naval and air authorities and to all the forces under their control wherever located to cease active operations and to surrender their arms, and to issue such other orders as the Supreme Commander may require to give effect to the surrender terms. "Immediately upon the surrender the Japanese Government shall transport prisoners of war and civilian internees to places of safety, as directed, where they can quickly be placed aboard Allied transports. "The ultimate form of government of Japan shall, in accordance with the Potsdam Declaration, be established by the freely expressed will of the Japanese people. "The armed forces of the Allied Powers will remain in Japan until the purposes set forth in the Potsdam Declaration are achieved." Accept (etc.) James F. Byrnes Secretary of State Mr. Max Grassli Charge d'Affaires ad interim of Switzerland ---------------------------------------------------------------- (3) JAPANESE ACCEPTANCE OF POTSDAM DECLARTION Statement by the President (The Department of State Bulletin, Vol. No. 321, Aug. 19, 1945) I have received this afternoon a message from the Japanese Government in reply to the message forwarded to that Government by the Secretary of State on August 11. I deem this reply a full acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration which specifies the unconditional surrender of Japan. In the reply there is no qualification. Arrangement are now being made for the formal signing of surrender terms at the earliest possible moment. General Douglas MacArthur has been appointed the Supreme Allied Commander to receive the Japanese surrender. Great Britain, Russia, and China will be represented by high-ranking officers. Meanwhile, the Allied armed forces have been ordered to suspend offensive action. The proclamation of V-J Day must wait upon the formal signing of the surrender terms by Japan. Following is the Japanese Government's message accepting our terms: "Communication of the Japanese Government of August 14, 1945, addressed to the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and China: "With reference to the Japanese Government's note of August 10 regarding their acceptance of the provisions of the Potsdam declaration and the reply of the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and China sent by American Secretary of State Byrnes under the date of August 11, the Japanese Government have the honor to communicate to the Government of the four powers as follows: "1. His Majesty the Emperor has issued an Imperial rescript regarding Japan's acceptance of the provisions of the Potsdam declaration. "2. His Majesty the Emperor is prepared to authorize and ensure the signature by his Government and the Imperial General Headquarters of the necessary terms for carrying out the provision of the Potsdam declaration. His Majesty is also prepared to issue his commands to all the military, naval, and air authorities of Japan and all the forces under their control wherever located to cease active operations, to surrender arms and to issue such other orders as may be required by the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces for the execution of the above- mentioned terms." EXCHANGE OF NOTES BETWEEN SWISS CHARGE AND SECRETARY OF STATE August 14, 1945 Sir: I have the honor to refer to your note of August 11, in which you requested me to transmit to my Government the reply of the Governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and China to the message from the Japanese Governments which was communicated in my note of August 10. At 20.10 today (Swiss Time) the Japanese Minister to Switzerland conveyed the following written statement to the Swiss Government for transmission to the four Allied governments: Accept (etc.) Grassli Charge d'Affaires ad interim of Switzerland August 14, 1945. Sir: With reference to your communication of today's date, transmitting the reply of the Japanese Government to the communication which I sent through you to the Japanese Government on August 11, on behalf of the Governments of the United States, China, the United Kingdom, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which I regard as full acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration and of my statement of August 11, 1945, I have the honor to inform you that the President of the United States has directed that the following message be sent to you for transmission to the Japanese Government: "You are to proceed as follows: "(1) Direct prompt cessation of hostilities by Japanese forces, informing the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers of the effective date and hour of such cessation. "(2) Send emissaries at once to the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers with information of the disposition of the Japanese forces and commanders, and fully empowered to make any arrangements directed by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers to enable him and his accompanying forces to arrive at the place designated by him to receive the formal surrender. "(3) For the purpose of receiving such surrender and carrying it into effect, General of the Army Douglas MacArthur has been designated as the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, and he will notify the Japanese Government of the time, place and other details of the formal surrender." Accept (etc.) James F. Byrnes Secretary of State. Max Grassli, Esquire Charge d'Affaires ad interim of Switzerland ---------------------------------------------------------------- (4) TRANSLATION of Foreign Minister Shiegemitsu's credentials TRANSLATION H I R O H I T O , By the Grace of Heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on the Throne occupied by the same Dynasty changeless through ages eternal, To all who these Presents shall come, Greeting! We do hereby authorize Mamoru Shigemitsu, Zyosanmi, First Class of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun to attach his signature by command and in behalf of Ourselves and Our Government unto the Instrument of Surrender which is required by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers to be signed. In witness whereof, We have hereunto set Our signature and caused the Great Seal of the Empire to be affixed. Given at Our Palace in Tokyo, this first day of the ninth month of the twentieth year of Showa, being the two thousand six hundred and fifth year from the Accession of the Emperor Zinmu. | Seal of | | the | Signed: H I R O H I T O | Empire | !! Countersigned: Naruhiko-o Prime Minister ---------------------------------------------------------------- (5) TRANSLATION of General Umezu's credentials TRANSLATION H I R O H I T O , By the Grace of Heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on the Throne occupied by the same Dynasty changeless through ages eternal, To all who these Presents shall come, Greeting! We do hereby authorize Yoshijiro Umezu, Zyosanmi, First Class of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun to attach his signature by command and in behalf of Ourselves and Our Government unto the Instrument of Surrender which is required by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers to be signed. In witness whereof, We have hereunto set Our signature and caused the Great Seal of the Empire to be affixed. Given at Our Palace in Tokyo, this first day of the ninth month of the twentieth year of Showa, being the two thousand six hundred and fifth year from the Accession of the Emperor Zinmu. | Seal of | | the | Signed: H I R O H I T O | Empire | !! Countersigned: Yoshijiro Umezu Chief of the General Staff of the Imperial Japanese Army Soemu Toyoda Chief of the General Staff of the Imperial Japanese Army ---------------------------------------------------------------- (6) INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER We, acting by command of and in behalf of the Emperor of Japan, the Japanese Government and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters, hereby accept the provisions set forth in the declaration issued by the heads of the Governments of the United States, China, and Great Britain on 26 July 1945 at Potsdam, and subsequently adhered to by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which four powers are hereafter referred to as the Allied Powers. We hereby proclaim the unconditional surrender to the Allied Powers of the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters and of all Japanese armed forces and all armed forces under the Japanese control wherever situated. We hereby command all Japanese forces wherever situated and the Japanese people to cease hostilities forthwith, to preserve and save from damage all ships, aircraft, and military and civil property and to comply with all requirements which my be imposed by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers or by agencies of the Japanese Government at his direction. We hereby command the Japanese Imperial Headquarters to issue at once orders to the Commanders of all Japanese forces and all forces under Japanese control wherever situated to surrender unconditionally themselves and all forces under their control. We hereby command all civil, military and naval officials to obey and enforce all proclamations, and orders and directives deemed by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers to be proper to effectuate this surrender and issued by him or under his authority and we direct all such officials to remain at their posts and to continue to perform their non-combatant duties unless specifically relieved by him or under his authority. We hereby undertake for the Emperor, the Japanese Government and their successors to carry out the provisions of the Potsdam Declaration in good faith, and to issue whatever orders and take whatever actions may be required by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers or by any other designated representative of the Allied Powers for the purpose of giving effect to that Declaration. We hereby command the Japanese Imperial Government and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters at once to liberate all allied prisoners of war and civilian internees now under Japanese control and to provide for their protection, care, maintenance and immediate transportation to places as directed. The authority of the Emperor and the Japanese Government to rule the state shall be subject to the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers who will take such steps as he deems proper to effectuate these terms of surrender. Signed at TOKYO BAY, JAPAN at 0904 I on the SECOND day of SEPTEMBER, 1945 MAMORU SHIGMITSU By Command and in behalf of the Emperor of Japan and the Japanese Government YOSHIJIRO UMEZU By Command and in behalf of the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters Accepted at TOKYO BAY, JAPAN at 0903 I on the SECOND day of SEPTEMBER, 1945, for the United States, Republic of China, United Kingdom and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and in the interests of the other United Nations at war with Japan. DOUGLAS MAC ARTHUR Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers C.W. NIMITZ United States Representative HSU YUNG-CH'ANG Republic of China Representative BRUCE FRASER United Kingdom Representative KUZMA DEREVYANKO Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Representative THOMAS BLAMEY Commonwealth of Australia Representative L. MOORE COSGRAVE Dominion of Canada Representative JACQUES LE CLERC Provisional Government of the French Republic Representative C.E.L. HELFRICH Kingdom of the Netherlands Representative LEONARD M. ISITT Dominion of New Zealand Representative ---------------------------------------------------------------- (7) Translation of Emperor Hirohito's Receipt of the Surrender documents P R O C L A M A T I O N Accepting the terms set forth in the Declaration issued by the heads of the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, and China on July 26th, 1945 at Potsdam and subsequently adhered to by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, We have commanded the Japanese Imperial Government and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters to sign on Our behalf the Instrument of Surrender presented by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers and to issue General Orders to the Military and Naval Forces in accordance with the direction of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers. We command all Our people forthwith to cease hostilities, to lay down their arms and faithfully to carry out all the provisions of Instrument of Surrender and the General Orders issued by the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters hereunder. This second day of the ninth month of the twentieth year of Showa | Seal of | | the | Signed: H I R O H I T O | Emperor | !! Countersigned: Naruhiko-o Prime Minister Mamoru Shigemitsu Minister of Foreign Affairs Iwao Yamazaki Minister of Home Affairs Juichi Tsushima Minister of Finance Sadamu Shimomura Minister of War Mitsumasa Yonai Minister of Navy Chuzo Iwata Minister of Justice Tamon Maeda Minister of Education Kenzo Matsumura Minister of Welfare Kotaro Sengoku Minister of Agriculture and Forestry Chikuhei Nakajima Minister of Commerce and Industry Naoto Kobiyama Minister of Transportation Fumimaro Konoe Minister without Portfolio Taketora Ogata Minister without Portfolio Binshiro Obata Minister without Portfolio ---------------------------------------------------------------- (8) INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER of the Japanese and Japanese- Controlled Armed Forces in the Philippine Islands to the Commanding General United States Army Forces, Western Pacific Camp John Hay Baguio, Mountain Province, Luzon, Philippine, Islands 3 September, 1945 Pursuant to and in accordance with the proclamation of the Emperor of Japan accepting the terms set forth in the declaration issued by the heads of the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, and China on 26 July 1945; at Potsdam and subsequently adhered to by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; and to the formal instrument of surrender of the Japanese Imperial Government and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters signed at Tokyo Bay at 0908 on 2 September 1945: 1. Acting by command of and in behalf of the Emperor of Japan, the Japanese Imperial Government and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters, We hereby surrender unconditionally to the Commanding General, United States Army Forces, Western Pacific, all Japanese and Japanese-controlled armed forces, air, sea, ground and auxiliary, in the Philippine Islands. 2. We hereby command all Japanese forces wherever situated in the Philippine Islands to cease hostilities forthwith, to preserve and save from damage all ships, aircraft, and military and civil property, and to comply with all requirements which may be imposed by the Commanding General, United States Army Forces, Western Pacific, or his authorized representatives. 3. We hereby direct the commanders of all Japanese forces in the Philippine Islands to issue at once to all forces under their command to surrender unconditionally themselves and all forces under their control, as prisoners of war, to the nearest United States Force Commander. 4. We hereby direct the commanders of all Japanese forces in the Philippine Islands to surrender intact and in good order to the nearest United States Army Force Commander, at times and at places directed by him, all equipment and supplies of whatever nature under their control. 5. We hereby direct the commanders of all Japanese forces in the Philippine Islands at once to liberate all Allied prisoners of war and civilian internees under their control, and to provide for their protection, care, maintenance and immediate transportation to places as directed by the nearest United States Army Force Commander. 6. We hereby undertake to transmit the directives given in Paragraphs 1 through 5, above, to all Japanese forces in the Philippine Islands immediately by all means within our power, and further to furnish to the Commanding General, United States Army Forces, Western Pacific, all necessary Japanese emissaries fully empowered to bring about the surrender of Japanese forces in the Philippine Islands with whom we are not in contact. 7. We hereby undertake to furnish immediately to the Commanding General, United States Army Forces, Western Pacific, a statement of the designation, numbers, locations, and commanders of all Japanese armed forces, ground, sea, or air, in the Philippine Islands. 8. We hereby undertake faithfully to obey all further proclamation, orders and directives deemed by the Commanding General, United States Armed Forces, Western Pacific, to be proper to effectuate this surrender. Signed at Camp John Hay, Baguio, Mountain Province, Luzon, Philippine Islands, at 1210 hours 3 September 1945: TOMOYUKI YAMASHITA, DENHICI OKOCHI, General, Imperial Japanese Vice Admiral, Imperial Japanese Army Highest Commander, Navy, Highest Commander, Imperial Japanese Army in Imperial Japanese Navy in the the Philippines. Philippines. By command and in behalf of the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters Accepted at Camp John Hay, Baguio, Mountain Province Luzon Philippine Islands, at 1210 hours 3 September 1945: For the Commander-in-Chief, United States Army Forces, Pacific: EDMOND H. LEAVY, Major General, USA Deputy Commander, United States Army Forces, Western Pacific. --------------------------------------- UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES IN KOREA HEADQUARTERS XXIV CORPS OFFICE OF THE COMMANDING GENERAL APO 235 c/o POSTMASTER SAN FRANSICO, CALIFORNIA ---------------------------------------------------------------- (9) FORMAL SURRENDER BY THE SENIOR JAPANESE GROUND,SEA, AIR AND AUXILIARY FORCES COMMANDS WITHIN KOREA SOUTH OF 38 NORTH LATITUDE TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES IN KOREA, FOR AND IN BEHALF OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PAFIFIC WHEREAS an Instrument of Surrender was on the 2d day of September 1945 by command of and behalf of the Emperor of Japan, the Japanese Government and the Japanese Imperial Headquarters signed by Foreign Minister Mamouru Shigemitsu by command and in behalf of the Emperor of Japan, the Japanese Government and by Yoshijiro Umezu by command of and in behalf of the Japanese Imperial Headquarters and WHEREAS the terms of the Instrument of Surrender were subsequently as follows: "1. We, acting by command of an in behalf of the Emperor of Japan, the Japanese Government and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters, hereby accept the provisions set forth in the declaration issued by the heads of the Governments of the United States, China, and Great Britain on 26 July 1945 at Potsdam, and subsequently adhered to by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which four powers are hereafter referred to as the Allied Powers. "2. We hereby proclaim the unconditional surrender to the Allied Powers of the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters and of all Japanese armed forces and all armed forces under the Japanese control wherever situated. "3. We hereby command all Japanese forces wherever situated and the Japanese people to cease hostilities forthwith, to preserve and save from damage all ships, aircraft, and military and civil property and to comply with all requirements which my be imposed by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers or by agencies of the Japanese Government at his direction. "4. We hereby command the Japanese Imperial Headquarters to issue at once orders to the Commanders of all Japanese forces and all forces under Japanese control wherever situated to surrender unconditionally themselves and all forces under their control. "5. We hereby command all civil, military and naval officials to obey and enforce all proclamations, and orders and directives deemed by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers to be proper to effectuate this surrender and issued by him or under his authority and we direct all such officials to remain at their posts and to continue to perform their non-combatant duties unless specifically relieved by him or under his authority. "6. We hereby undertake for the Emperor, the Japanese Government and their successors to carry out the provisions of the Potsdam Declaration in good faith, and to issue whatever orders and take whatever actions may be required by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers or by any other designated representative of the Allied Powers for the purpose of giving effect to that Declaration. "7. We hereby command the Japanese Imperial Government and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters at once to liberate all allied prisoners of war and civilian internees now under Japanese control and to provide for their protection, care, maintenance and immediate transportation to places as directed. "8. The authority of the Emperor and the Japanese Government to rule the state shall be subject to the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers who will take such steps as he deems proper to effectuate these terms of surrender. WHEREAS the terms of surrender were, on the 2d day of September 1945 as given by the United States, the Republic of China, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union of Socialist Republics and other allied powers, accepted by the Imperial Japanese Government, and WHEREAS on the 2d day of September 1945 the Imperial General Headquarters by direction of the Emperor has ordered all its commanders in Japan and abroad to cause the Japanese Armed Forces and Japanese controlled forces under their command to cease hostilities at once, to lay down their arms and remain in their present locations and to surrender unconditionally to commanders acting in behalf of the United States, the Republic of China, the United Kingdom, the British Empire and the Union of Socialist Republics, and WHEREAS the Imperial General Headquarters, its senior commanders and all ground, sea, air and auxiliary forces in the main islands of Japan, minor islands adjacent thereto, Korea south of 38 north latitude and the Philippines were directed to surrender to the Commander-in-Chief of the United States Army Forces, Pacific and WHEREAS the Commander-in-Chief of the United States Army Forces, Pacific has appointed the Commanding General, XXIV Corps as the Command General, United States Army Forces in Korea, and has directed him as such to act for the Commander-in-Chief United States Army Forces, Pacific in the reception of the surrender of the senior Japanese commanders of all Japanese ground, sea, air and auxiliary forces in Korea south of 38 north latitude and all islands adjacent thereto. Now therefor We, the undersigned, senior Japanese commanders of all Japanese ground, sea, air and auxiliary forces in Korea south of 38 north latitude, do hereby acknowledge: a. That we have been duly advised and fully informed of the contents of the Proclamation by the Emperor of Japan, the Instrument of Surrender and the orders herein above referred to. b. That we accept our duties and obligations under said instruments and orders and recognize the necessity for our strict compliance therewith and adherence thereto. c. The Commanding General, United States Army Forces in Korea, is the duly authorized representative of the Commander-in-Chief United States Army Forces, Pacific and that we will completely and immediately carry out and put into effect his instructions. Finally, we do hereby formally and unconditionally surrender to the Commanding General, United States Army Forces in Korea, all persons in Korea south of 38 degrees North Latitude who are in the Armed Forces of Japan, and all military installations, ordnance, ships, aircraft, and other military equipment or property of every kind or description in Korea, including all islands adjacent thereto, south of 38 degrees North Latitude over which we exercise jurisdiction or control. In case of conflict or ambiguity between the English text of this document and any translation thereof, the English shall prevail. Signed at SEOUL, KOREA at 1630 hours on the 9th day of September 1945. YOSHIO SOZUKI Senior Japanese commander of all Japanese ground and air forces in Korea south of 38 north latitude. GISABURO YAMAGUCHI Senior Japanese commander of all Japanese naval forces in Korea south of 38 north latitude. I, Nobuyuki Abe, the duly appointed, qualified and acting Governor General of KOREA do hereby certify that I have read and fully understand the contents of the foregoing Instrument of Surrender, and of all documents referred to therein. I hereby acknowledge the duties and obligations imposed upon me by said documents, insofar as they apply to all matters within my jurisdiction or control as Governor General of Korea, and recognize the necessity of my strict compliance therewith and adherence thereto. In particular do I recognize that the Commanding General, UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES IN KOREA, is the duly authorized representative of the Commander-in-Chief, UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC, and that I am completely and immediately to carry out and put into effect his instructions. Signed at SEOUL, KOREA, at 1630 hours on the 9th day of September 1945. NOBUYUKI ABE (Governor General of KOREA) Accepted at SEOUL, KOREA, at 1630 hours on the 9th day of September 1945 for and in behalf of the Commander-in-Chief of the United States Army Forces, Pacific. JOHN R. HODGE Lieutenant General U.S. Army Commanding General United States Army Forces in Korea THOMAS C. KINCAID Admiral, U. S. Navy Representative of the United States Navy ---------------------------------------------------------------- SUPREME ALLIED COMMANDER SOUTH EAST ASIA (10) INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER OF JAPANESE FORCES UNDER THE COMMAND OR CONTROL OF THE SUPREME COMMANDER, JAPANESE EXPEDITIONARY FORCES, SOUTHERN REGIONS, WITHIN THE OPERATIONAL THEATRE OF THE SUPREME ALLIED COMMANDER, SOUTH EAST ASIA 1. In pursuance of and in compliance with: (a) the Instrument of Surrender signed by the Japanese plenipotentiaries by command and on behalf of the Emperor of Japan, the Japanese Government and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters at Tokyo on 2 September, 1945; (b) General Order No. 1, promulgated at the same place and on the same date; (c) the Local Agreement made by the Supreme Commander, Japanese Expeditionary Forces, Southern Regions, with the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia at Rangoon on 27 August, 1945; to all of which Instrument of Surrender, General Order and Local Agreement this present Instrument is complementary and which it in no way supersedes, the Supreme Commander, Japanese Expeditionary Forces, Southern Regions (Field Marshall Count Terauchi) does hereby surrender unconditionally to the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia (Admiral The Lord Louis Mountbatten) himself and all Japanese sea, ground, air and auxiliary forces under his command or control and within the operational theatre of the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia. 2. The Supreme Commander, Japanese Expeditionary Forces, Southern Regions, undertakes to ensure that all orders and instructions that may be issued from time to time by the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia, or by any of his subordinate Naval, Military, or Air-Force Commanders of whatever rank acting in his name, are scrupulously and promptly obeyed by all Japanese sea, ground, air and auxiliary forces under the command or control of the Supreme Commander, Japanese Expeditionary Forces, Southern Regions, and within the operational theatre of the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia. 3. Any disobedience of, or delay or failure to comply with, orders or instructions issued by the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia, or issued on his behalf by any of his subordinate Naval, military, or Air Force Commanders of whatever rank, and any action which the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia, or his subordinate Commanders action on his behalf, may determine to be detrimental to the Allied Powers, will be dealt with as the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia may decide. 4. This Instrument takes effect from the time and date of signing. 5. This Instrument is drawn up in the English Language, which is the only authentic version. In any case of doubt to intention or meaning, the decision of the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asia is final. It is the responsibility of the Supreme Commander, Japanese Expeditionary Forces, Southern Regions, to make such translations into Japanese as he may require. Signed at Singapore at 0341 hours (G.M.T.) on 12 September, 1945. SEISHIRO ITAGAKI LOUIS MOUNTBATTAN (for) SUPREME COMMAND SUPREME ALLIED COMMANDER JAPANESE EXPEDITIONARY FORCES, SOUTH EAST ASIA SOUTHERN REGIONS ---------------------------------------------------------------- Prepared by Monty "Doc" White (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa201) Distributed by the Cybercasting Services Division of the National Public Telecomputing Network (NPTN). Permission is hereby granted to download, reprint, and/or otherwise redistribute this file, provided appropriate point of origin credit is given to the preparer(s) and the National Public Telecomputing Network. Reformatted, edit, indexed, and additional documents provided by Larry W. Jewell jewell@mace.cc.purdue.edu End Section [oo] ********************************************************************* Section [] End Section [] ********************************************************************* Section [] End Section [] ********************************************************************* Section [] End Section [] ********************************************************************* Collected and transcribed by Larry W. Jewell jewell@mace.cc.purdue.edu