------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: April 12, 1996
Issue #382

Noted in Passing:

                The economy, far from being the general's saving grace,
                will be their undoing. - Aung San Suu Kyi
                (see THE ECONOMIST: MYANMAR'S MYSTERIOUS BOOM)

HEADLINES:
==========
THE ECONOMIST: MYANMAR'S MYSTERIOUS BOOM
THE ECONOMIST: THE ROAD TO MANDALAY
BKK POST: SUU KYI SAYS DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION PROGRESS
NATION: DEFECTING ACROSS SLORC LINES
NATION: KARENNIS SURRENDER THE HIGH GROUND TO JUNTA
ABSDF-DNA: SLORC DEFECTORS IN KARENNI AREA
INDEPENDENT LETTER: RE: VISIT AUNG SAN SUU KYI SQUARE
ASAHI SHIMBUN: DIALOGUE COULD NUDGE BURMA
INDEPENDENT REPORT: OAKLAND MOVES CLOSER TO BURMA BILL
INDEPENDENT REPORT: MASSACHUSETTS BURMA BILL CLEARS
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------

THE ECONOMIST: MYANMAR'S MYSTERIOUS BOOM
April 6, 1996
From: brelief@gol.com (Ken and Visakha Kawasaki)

Scanning Southeast Asia for the next "tiger" economy, many
eyes have lighted on Myanmar (Burma).  Always rich in
resources, its government is now friendly to foreign businesses.
Human rights groups may carp at foreigners for dealing with an
unpleasant military regime.  But businessmen are scared of
missing out on an economy that is now growing at tigerish rates.

When it seized power in 1988, the military junta running
Myanmar inherited a closed, state - dominated economy, which
it has opened up to market forces and foreign investment.  Since
then, GDP grown rates have caught up with the feverish
regional norm.  Figures just released by the government claim
average growth of 8.2% over the past four years, which
suggests that growth is picking up again.

The capital, Yangon, certainly looks like a boom - town.  New
tower blocks are poking above the faded colonial facades;
streets that just a few years ago milled quietly with pedestrians,
bicycles, and the occasional pick - up truck now throb with
Toyotas and Nissans.  In one street, the pavement is stacked
with cardboard boxes of Toshiba television sets.  Well -
groomed young couples dine in busy restaurants.  Many see this
as evidence that -- whatever its other flaws -- the junta has at
least got the economy right.

Or has it?  The opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, thinks
not.  "The so- called boom is an artificial one," she declared.
The economy, far from being the general's saving grace "will
be their undoing."  Since Miss Suu Kyi was released from six
years of house arrest only last July, by a junta that still refuses
to talk to her, she might reasonably be suspected of bias.  But
the opposition is not alone in seeing the appearance of new
prosperity as in part a mirage.

Even the International Monetary Fund, in a report issued last
October and praised by the government as "very sound",
concluded that, on a per capita basis, "neither GDP nor
agricultural output have yet recovered to the levels reached in
the mid-1980s."  The IMF acknowledges that "real economic
activity has expanded strongly over the last three years."  But it
also identifies trends that make the government look less the
prudent liberalizers of their own propaganda, more the
spendthrift military dictators portrayed by their opponents.

Asian tigers tend to be noted for fiscal caution, small state
sectors and high levels of investment.  But Myanmar's budget
deficit has been widening.  Consumption has been increasing as
a percentage of GDP at the expense of investment and the
private sector's share in that investment has actually been
declining.  Foreign exchange reserves have been maintained at
their current low level only by failing to pay back some foreign
debt.  Civil servants' wages and social services have been cut,
while the junta has spent more on defense.  The IMF estimates
that defense expenditure accounts for 4% of GDP.  Arcane book
- keeping procedures, however, probably conceal an even
greater amount.

The prescriptive part of the IMF's report has not been made
public.  The World Bank, however, in a report also published
last October, put reform of the currency, the kyat, at the top of
its list of priorities.  There is an official exchange rate of about 6
kyats tot he dollar.  But on the streets of Yangon, it takes 125
kyats to buy a dollar.

Myanmar insists it will need a lot of outside financial support to
adjust the currency to market levels, if intolerable inflationary
pressures are to be avoided.  That is not true, or at least not for
the person in the street, who already pays for imports at a
realistic exchange rate.  Rather, unifying the currency would
encourage exports, and help with the budget deficit, by
increasing revenue from import duties and sales tax.

The World Bank has a more convincing explanation for the
government's reluctance to adjust the exchange rate -- "the fear
that influential groups in the population would lose as a result."
That means those with access to imports at the official rate --
government departments, the army and state enterprises, as well
as some individual civil servants and soldiers.  The dual
exchange rate robs the poor to give to the comfortably - off and
the small but growing class of very, very rich.

It is also one reason why measuring Myanmar's economy is a
guessing game.  The use of the official rate hugely understates
exports and imports, and distorts year - on - year comparisons.
The government's figures probably underestimate the size of the
economy while exaggerating the growth rates.

Growth in Myanmar's economy has come largely from
agriculture, which made up an estimated 62.6% of GDP in
1994, up from 57% in 1989.  The government says farmers are
doing nicely, thank you, and that savings in agricultural co -
operatives are rising.  Miss Suu Kyi says life is getting harder
and harder in the paddy fields, even though the price of rice is
soaring for consumers.

That, says Miss Suu Kyi, is why the government's economic
failings will become obvious this year.  But the foreign business
delegations and conferences are multiplying.  If the economy is
such a mess, why are investors flocking in?  The answer seems
to be that there is a lot more looking than investing.  The
government likes to quote a figure of $3 billion for the foreign
investment it has attracted.  But less than a third of that has
been disbursed.  Actual investment has been concentrated in the
oil and gas sector (41% in 1994- 95) -- almost all accounted for
by one massive project to pipe gas to Thailand -- and in hotel
development.  A third of disbursed investment in 1994 -- 95
went into the plethora of new hotels, often financed from
Singapore or Thailand, and built in anticipation of a surge of
visitors as the country opens up.

Miss Suu Kyi argues that business optimism about the military
junta is mistaken because "you cannot do business with people
who do not keep their word, who do not respect the law and
who are not prepared to allow healthy competition."  It is
perhaps a characteristic of soldiers not to like competition,
whether political or economic.  But these ones face a dilemma.
To press political competition, they are maintaining military
spending at levels that are blowing holes in the states's finances.
But they are also staking their future on economic growth.  In
which case, as one western observer puts it, they had better find
a cheaper way of dealing with ethnic insurgency in the border
regions and social discontent just about everywhere.

*******************************************************

THE ECONOMIST: THE ROAD TO MANDALAY
April 6, 1996
from brelief@gol.com

No flyin' fishes play these days on the road to Myanmar's
second city, but the countryside still looks the "cleaner, greener
land" for which Kipling's old soldier waxed so nostalgic.  Lush
rice fields stretch to the distant hills and the barefoot women int
heir workaday sarongs smile and chatter at the approach of
foreigners.  Others, thigh - deep in the fertile paddy - slime, are
bent double transplanting rice.

They expect a good harvest soon.  Well irrigated by canals off
the Irrawaddy river, the area has long yielded tow or three crops
a year.  But these farmers say they will have to sell more than
half their crop to the government, at about two - thirds of the
market price.  The state's quota has gone up again this year.

A few miles away, at a roadside limestone quarry, the workers
are also smiling, despite an unforgiving sun and a shadeless
workplace.  Three youths are chipping at a rock face with a
pneumatic drill.  Below them, women and children, some just
ten years gold, gather the fragments, break them with stone
hammers, and carry them off in baskets on their heads for
sifting.  At the end of the day, a truck will arrive to take the
day's output to Mandalay and the workers will be paid the
equivalent of 40 cents.

Further down the road, traffic is held up for a crocodile of about
60 women in white uniforms under armed guards.  Assumed by
local residents to be prostitutes and drug addicts, even they are
smiling on their way back to prison after a day breaking rocks.
It is not just prisoners who work involuntarily.  Village headmen
have to supply a quota of unpaid labourers to the government.
Households that fail to supply a workers, or hire a substitute, are fined.

Tourists travelling south from Mandalay to visit the remains of
a palace at Amarapura pass a new suburb of households unaffected
by such decrees.  Broad avenues lined with saplings and streetlights
bisect rows of palatial villas.  Even a western -style supermarket is being
built.  Locals say that most of these villas house retired army officers.
Behind their high fences, they are probably smiling too.

***********************************************************

BKK POST: SUU KYI SAYS DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION HAS
ACHIEVED "REASONABLE PROGRESS"
April 12, 1996

AUNG San Suu Kyi says she and other leaders of Burma's democratic
opposition have made "reasonable progress" in their political
work since her release from house arrest.

Suu Kyi said the year 1995 marked an important turning point for
her country. "I was released in July, some eight months ago," she
said. "(Former army general) U Tin U and (former colonel) U Kyi
Maung were released earlier, and we have made reasonable progress
in our political work, though the progress achieved was far short
of our expectations.

"One unmistakable fact we discovered in 1995 is the strong morale
of our people. All of us should be proud of it."

Suu Kyi said the military junta has worked hard to prevent the
National League for Democracy from organising. "She described the
junta's treatment of the NLD as "unfair and unjust."

"I am saying this not to pick a quarrel with the authorities,"
she said. "But then if you don't stand up and speak out against
injustice you Will be encouraging that injustice."

Responding to a question about the work of Burma's five-member
Election Commission, Suu Kyi said the body had failed to carry
out its duties in a satisfactory manner.

"Though its members are respectable and respected men," she said,
"the commission has done two things which it ought not to have
done and failed to do two things which it ought to have done."

First, she said, the commission had failed to issue an official
announcement of the results of the 1990 multi-party election. Suu
Kyi's NLD won the election in a landslide.

Second, she said, the commission had failed to protect the rights
of political parties.

She said the commission should not have checked the election
expense returns of candidates and should not have interfered in
the internal affairs of political parties.

"The commission is still persisting in its erroneous ways," she
added.

The head of the military government and armed forces, Senior
General Than Shwe, said the military did not crave power or seek
to control the state on a permanent basis, official print media said.

"The military should not hold on to state power forever," Than
Shwe, 64, told tutors and cadets in the mess hall of the Defence
Services Institute of Technology during a recent visit.

"However, it has to assume duties for a reasonable period of time
to be able to lay down good foundations needed for the emergence
of a peaceful, modern nation," he was quoted as saying.

He said Burma was building a strong and efficient modern military
to maintain law and order and was nurturing capable leaders for a
future government.

A total of 29 anti-government insurgents surrendered to Burmese
military authorities last month, state-run Radio Rangoon reported
Wednesday.

The rebels included 19 militant pro-democracy students, eight ethnic
Karen minorities and two former communist party members, it said.

*****************************************************************

NATION: DEFECTING ACROSS SLORC LINES
April 12, 1996

Aung Zaw talks to five Burmese soldiers who crossed
into enemy territory and surrendered to Karenni guerrillas.

On March 27, Burma's military staged its annual parade on
Rangoon's U Wisara Road to celebrate Armed Forces day. Martial
music was played and more than 3,000 soldiers took part in an
impressive display of patriotism. Family members and other people
embraced them afterwards and handed out garlands and flowers.

In the mountains more than 1,000 kilometres away, another group
of Burmese soldiers were enjoying a temporary lull in the
fighting between government soldiers and Karenni insurgents.

Cpl Maung Win smiled and said, "I don't care if today is Armed
Forces day. Besides I'm short and skinny so they [officers]
wouldn't want to me to join the parade." Four other soldiers
sitting close to Maung Win laughed at his cynicism.

Cpl Maung Win was formerly of Battalion 72, which is stationed on
a hill near the town of Dimawhso in Kayah state.

On March 9, he and his section visited Dawwiman, a village
situated at the foot of the hill.

There they met Sgt Khin Maung Win, their superior. "He always
scorned us and was very conceited said Maung Win Nothing happened
until we got drunk," he recalled. At dusk, Khin Maung Win told
him to go back to the hill base. "It was too dark to go back and
we were so drunk that I refused," he said. That's when they
fought.

The next day Maung Win and his section burned down the three huts
where they were staying. After destroying rice, salt and oil
supplies, he and four other soldiers (Ye Win Htkie, Myo Min Aung,
Whin Htay and Kyaw Win) set out to the next village.

"As soon as we got there, I asked a village headman where the
members of the KNPP [Karenni National Progressive Party] were.
But he didn't want to tell me," Maung Win said.

"When I told him that we wanted to surrender to the Karenni
rebels, the headman was shocked," he added.

Maung Win said he had already served in the army for nine years.
He is married with two children and original hails from
Taungdwingyi in Magwe division.

He has no regrets. "We are happy. We are free now," he said.

"Life here is better and easier," said Maung Win, referring to
the Karenni army camp.

"There are fewer restrictions, no shortage of food," said one of
the four other defectors. "When we were in the army, we were
afraid of anyone who had a higher rank. We had to salute everyone
we saw," 7 he said.

The five cited Tatmadaw's strict regulations as a main reason
that forced them to defect to the Karenni.

"No time to rest, we had to work very hard," said Maung Win.

As soon as the group arrived at the KNPP camp, they received a
pleasant welcome and Bt3,000 each.

They bought a cassette player and watches. "They are very happy
with what they got," said a Karenni army officer.

But were the other four who defected with Maung Win happy with
what he had done?

"If Maung Win had asked us to kill Khim Maung Win that night, we
would have shot him there and then," said Ye Win Htike.

"When we ran we were ready to strike back if they [Burmese
soldiers] followed us. We brought guns with us," he added.

If they return to Burma or are caught, they will most likely be
imprisoned for life. However, they could receive the death
penalty since they defected to the Karenni with their weapons and
other arms (S 3 rifles, 79 mm cannons and four mines).

Ye Win Htike, 20, joined the army in 1992. "I lied about my age,"
he said. When he joined the army he said he was 18, although he
was only 16.

Asked whey they decided to join the armed forces, Ye Win Htike
and another young soldier said there are many Feasons why young
Burmese men join the army but it is definitely not to defend or
protect the country.

Myo Min Aung shook his head. Most people join the army because
they fail exams, don't want to study anymore, quarrelled with
their parents or girlfriends, find it difficult to find a job, or
have committed crimes," he noted. Myo Min Aung said he quarrelled
with his father after passing grade 8. He is from Maubin, which
is near the Irrawaddy delta.

"But since my grades were not that impressive, my father punished
me," he said.

He also said he was only 15 when he joined the Tatmadaw.

"I didn't tell my family. I just left my home and disappeared,"
he said. After becoming a soldier, he wrote to his sister, who is
now a university student.

Min Aung estimated that during training 120 of the 250 recruits
were under the age of 16. "I know you guys joined the army not
because you love your country but because you have your personal
problems and conflicts with your families," he recalled the drill
sergeant as saying to them.

Asked if he had ever fought against the ethnic insurgent armies,
he said, "No". But Myo Min Aung smiled and said: "I fought but
not with the insurgents."

In 1995, when Myo Min Aung was still the bodyguard of Lt Lin Oo,
an incident took place in Sebu, Kayah state.

"My officer fought with some policemen at a bar. They challenged
Bo Lt Lin Oo to a fight," he said.

"There was a gun battle. Our troops attacked the police station,
caught all the policemen and beat them up," he said.

None of them was punished, but the policemen were transferred. It
was the first and last battle Myo Min Aung took part in.

Win Htay and Kyaw Win had little to say.

Win Htay said-he is from Thaywaddy. He and his friend came to
Rangoon to find a job and a few days later found themselves
employed at a sawmill.

"But we didn't like the work. We had no food. That was when we
decided to join the army."

According to Maung Win and Karenni rebels, Kyaw Win is suffering
from a mental illness. It is not a wise idea to have him carry a
gun," said one Karenni officer.

At present, none of the defectors are allowed to carry arms.

Their presence poses a dilemma for the KNPP. "We want an NGO or
international organization to look after them," said Able Tweed,
a senior KNPP official. But the defectors said they wanted to
join the KNPP and to fight Slorc. "That won't be possible now,"
said the senior KNPP official.

No one really knows if they are telling the truth. There is a
fear that they may have been sent by the Slorc to work as spies.

Since the start of 1996, nearly 50 soldiers have defected to the
KNPP, a Karenni army officer said. "We don't know why but we are
very glad they joined us. Of course, we have to be very careful," he added.

He stressed the KNPP respects all soldiers who defect. "No
executions are carried out," he emphasized. "We let them go if
they want to work in the border areas."

But in some cases, the KNPP has allowed some Slorc soldiers to
serve in its army.

Myo Htun is now a KNPP fighter. Like the others, he was in the
Tatmadaw for several years. He didn't go to the KNPP-controlled
areas but went instead to Loikaw where he was forced by the army
to carry food and ammunition to the frontline. He then escaped
and joined the KNPP. He is proud of his present job; a bodyguard
for a Karenni army officer in the camp.

Like Myo Htun, some of the soldiers who defected are good fighters
and have shown their loyalty to the KNPP. "They are now in the frontline
helping us. Some have died in action," a Karenni officer said.

*****************************************************************

NATION: KARENNIS SURRENDER THE HIGH GROUND TO JUNTA
April 12, 1996

The embattled rebel group is vowing to fight on despite the loss
of their hill-top positions, Aung Zaw writes.

Karenni insurgents are slowly withdrawing from their mountain
bases but insist they will continue their guerrilla warfare.

"We will continue to fight. They [Slorc] might get Karenni lands
but it won't stop our struggle and dampen our revolutionary spirit,"
said Bo Too.

Since the start of the year, the Slorc has been sending
truckloads of troops to Kayah state, leading to the deployment of
at least 27 battalions. But a Karenni army officer said the Slorc
has suffered heavy casualties.

The KNPP regrouped in Kauk Kauk after losing decisive battles in
the strategic hills of Rambo, Nonglon I and II. In March,
observers and dissidents who had fled to the border predicted the
KNPP would be wiped out before Armed Forces day. The Slorc's
ground troops, aided by PC-7 bombers, tried to mop up lingering
resistance in the hills, but it became clear the insurgents were
not about to give up without a fight.

However, the rebels have been forced to withdraw from several
other bases in the hills in the face of the Slorc onslaught.

KNPP leaders said they have resorted to hit-and-run tactics. "We
have been able to hit back," said one Karenni rebel. "Our troops
ambushed a Slorc convoy recently," he added. On March 10, Lt Col
Thaune Shwe and another army officer was killed during a gun
battle with Karenni insurgents.

To mark Armed Forces day, Slorc troops relentlessly shelled Kauk
Kauk, KNPP's main camp, on March 27. On the same day, KNPP's
Palele camp was set on fire by Burmese troops. On March 29, all
KNPP troops withdrew from Kauk Kauk, which was soon overrun by
the Slorc. Many have said that the KNPP has been forced to
regroup in another area. But Karenni fighters have vowed to
continue their struggle.

"Where is the peace that they are talking about? There is no
peace," said Bo Too, while peering into his binoculars to survey
the nearby mountains where many Slorc troops are believed to be
stationed. "I know we couldn't trust the Slorc," he said. Too
added that the KNPP always doubted that a ceasefire would last
even after they had signed an agreement last year.

"A few months later we had to fight again," Bo Too said.

Initially, observers attributed the cause of fighting to the
lucrative trade in teak across the Thai-Burma border. But KNPP
leaders maintained the fighting broke out again mainly due to
political reasons. "They sent more troops shortly after we signed
a ceasefire agreement," one Karenni army officer said. He also
said human rights violations in Kayah state were widespread.
"Slorc troops have driven out the Karenni from their land,
villagers have been arrested and many have been forcibly
conscripted," the officer added.

Despite the loss of territory, some Karenni soldiers believe the
nats [spirit] are helping them. "Nats are guardians of the jungle
and mountain and they are helping us," said one Karenni soldier.

"Before we resumed fighting with Burmese soldiers [in 1995], we
heard gunfire everywhere - it was a warning from the nats," he added.

But Karenni leaders realise that nats alone won't help them. They
need the support of the international community and pro-democracy
groups around the world. On March 18, the KNPP sent a letter
signed by Aung Than Lay, a KNPP leader, to United Nations
secretary-general Boutros Boutros Ghali. In it, the KNPP asked
the UN to pressure the Slorc to stop its military offensive.

On March 20, US Rep Dana Rohracher spoke before the US Congress
to raise the issue with American lawmakers.

"Mr Speaker, Karenni freedom fighters are today up against the
hired thugs of the Burmese army. In the past, the Slorc regime
justified aggression against the Karenni as a necessary step to
take for it to control the activities of Khun Sa, the infamous
drug thug. But the Slorc regime has allowed Khun Sa to retire in
luxury, while the aggression continues. It shouldn't surprise
anyone that the Slorc regime is lying. Their entire system is
based on lies."

"Freedom loving people in the United States are on your [Karenni]
side, and will remember you in our prayers. Because you strive
for democracy and justice, remember, your victory is our victory."

Rohracher, who is close to some Karenni rebel leaders, was said
to be planning to visit the Karenni areas soon.

*****************************************************************

ABSDF-DNA: SLORC DEFECTORS IN KARENNI AREA DUE TO
THE ABUSES IN ARMY
April 11, 1996
From: <caroline@ksc.net.th>

        The defection of the Slorc soldiers occurred in Karenni area due
to the abuses and corruption of the army officials. During the "Pyi Nyein
Aye operation" in which from 2000 - 3000 troops from 27 battalions were
used,  18 soldiers from Slorc have fled and defected with their weapons
to the KNPP forces as of March 1996.
        Many stories of human rights abuses by the military officials,
corruption and discrimination against low ranking soldiers have been
reported from those defectors lucky enough to escape to the KNPP.
        Among the Slorc defectors, a  five man - platoon led by its
leader from Slorc's division (2) of Light infantry Battalion (72) under
the commander of Eastern Military Command defected to KNPP Battalion (2)
on March 15, 1996. Platoon leader Corporal Maung Win (BC. 676053), Ye Win
Hteik (BC. 880179), Myo Min Aung (BC. 963954), Kyaw Win(BC. 980955) and
Win Htay (BC. 980961) defected to KNPP forces with one M.79 launcher and
twelve shells, four G-3 assaulted rifles, a hundred and twenty-five
7.62mm bullets, twenty rounds of ammunition, two assault weapons, and two
mines.
        Corruption and abuse of power by the high ranking officials are
common in the Slorc  army, according the defectors.  Privates are ordered
to work unpaid for business ventures run by the army officials in the
name of Self-reliance programs of the battalions. All the money and
benefits earned from these programs are shared among the officers but not
with low ranking soldiers. "Our LIB 72 runs several businesses such as a
sawmill, logging, and mines at Dawsee village in Lawpita. Every soldier
is required to work unpaidin these business. No inquiry can be made. All
money is shared among the officers," said Myo Min Aung,  a 18 - year -
old private from LIB 72 based in Lawpita. He was ordered to work in the
lead mine in Dawsee village along with fellow soldiers for the so-called
"project for Battalion's fund." The lead minded by the soldiers was taken
bback to the battalion and sold, one viss for 15 kyats, to local merchants.
Everyday the soldiers mined at least 100 visses but no money was allocated
for the welfare of the soldiers.  Likewise in the logging project, soldiers
were ordered to work without pay.  They had to cut the hardwood and
carry it back to the battalion. Local people were also ordered to provide
bullock carts for carrying logs. Although all facilities and working forces
were free and unpaid, no money went to the battalion.  Everything was
for the officers' own benefit, according to Myo Min Aung. Besides these
money-making projects, soldiers were assigned
to do private work for their superior officers.  Former (72) Battalion
commander Lt-Col. Win Myint ordered 10  soldiers in every day to work
making bricks for the construction of his house. Soldiers were ordered to
make  2,000 brick and could not return to the barracks until their quota
was finished.
        Myo Min Aung was only 15 - year - old when he first enlisted into
army in June  1994.  The official age for new recruits is 18, but he  had
no problem enlisting. "Some are even younger than me." he said. He also
reported being beaten frequently, sometimes aspunishment, but often
merely as entertainment for drunken superior officers.
        "Soldiers are asked to massage the officers at night or cook for
their family. When they are not satisfied with the service, the officers
beat them." he said in his interview. "Captain Lin Oo was the worst
person in my battalion. He treated the soldiers like animals. He always
looked for the weakness of the privates and loved to beat them. He
sometimes assigned soldiers to take a guard at the post which was an
hour's walk from the battalion. He did not order the other to give meal
or food for the soldiers on guard duty. Nobody dared to bring food for
them without his order. When the soldiers came back to the barracks to
get food, he beat them up for disobeying his order" Myo Min Aung
reported.
        "Corruption was rampant among the officials," said corporal Maung
Win from the same battalion. "For example, I was promoted to  lance
corporal position in 1990.  According to army rules, I was to get the 850
kyats corporal salary after one year service in corporal position.  I got
my promotion salary after three years.  Capt. Nyan Htun who was the
finance official concerned received my salary in accord with the laws.
But instead of giving it to me, he took for himself."  he explained.
        Another defector, Win Htay added " when a soldier dies in battle,
the  headquarters compensates 10,000 kyats to the surviving family. But
Capt. Nyan Htun always took that money and told the family that the
soldier had defected to the ethnic  forces."
        Rations are routinely stolen by the officers in charge and sold
at the  market. When food and other supplies arrived, the supply officer
sold them and replaced them with lower quality food.  The money was
shared among the officers. "All privates know about that, but these very
same corrupt officers are the ones who we have to report to, so nobody
says anything." explained Ye Win Hteik, 24- year - old private who
defected to the KNPP.   The situation was worst at the front. Soldiers
got only rice and very basic rations while officers were enjoying good
food stuffs. That situation led soldiers to use force towards the local
people to supply them with food. No action would be taken against
soldiers who committed robbery or other abuses towards the local
civilians.      According to them, many of soldiers used in the offensive
attack against the KNPP were as young as 14 - 15 years old and sent to
the frontlines as soon as they finished their four - month basic
training.  Most were recruited at random. Recruitment is often done by a
quota system; new soldiers are demanded from each village or township per
year. If the quota is not reached, the local people will face punishment.
Recruitment depends on the size of village or townships. For villages of
less than 100 houses one youth must be supplied; for villages of up to
200 houses two youth- and so up to maximum five youths for villages of
more than 400 houses.
        Due to the lack of training and experience, many of these young
soldiers were  killed and some fled during the offensive. Young soldiers
are deliberately placed in danger during operations.
        This five - man platoon decided to defect after the platoon
leader Corporal  Maung Win had a quarrel with Sergeant  Khin Maung Win
over rations distribution to the soldiers in Dawwi Moe outpost on March
10, 1996. The next day when the  sergeant returned to his other outpost,
Corporal Maung Win led his troop to defect. Before they were left, they
burned down and destroyed their outpost.

***********************************************************

INDEPENDENT LETTER: RE: VISIT AUNG SAN SUU KYI SQUARE
IN AMSTERDAM
April 12, 1996
From: Khin Ni Ni Thein <nin@ihe.nl>

"Visit Aung San Suu Kyi Square in Amsterdam"

The NFB, Netherlands Friends of Burma wishes that as many tourists as
possible should come to Amsterdam, and if it is possible, tourist Myanmar
year should turn into tourist Amsterdam Year to visit "Aung San Suu Kyi
Square!".

Having said that I would like to add a background story of how did we
turn "Heineken Square" into "Aung San Suu Kyi Square".

The first master-mind is a gentleman called 'Kees' who works in ASeed
Europe. He started the Heineken campaign. He did the few public
demonstration against Heineken in Amsterdam and now he is currently calling
for World wide Boycott! He got the idea which he thought was brillient,
ie. rename the Heineken Square to Aung San Suu Kyi Square! Why
not? he said. He put forward his idea to three other organizations
(1) BCN, Burma Centrum Nederlands (2) X min Y and, (3) NFB, Netherlands
Friends of Burma. Everybody said:- YES!!! LETS DO IT!

Thereafter, BCN was busy painting four sign-boards, ASeed and X min Y were
busy with many organizing works stage preparations etc., NFB was busy in
practising the official announcement in Dutch Language and persuing people
to come on that day which is......

23 March 96,.....one of the great days in the history of the Democracy
Movement of Burma. Several hundreds of people gathered in the square in
front of Heineken Brewery, in the presence of the one of the elected(no
need to say in NL) MPs of the Netherlands parliament, the NFB was asked to
announce the new name of the square as "Aung San Suu Kyi Square".

In Netherlands, the truly democratic land, there are many Burma support
groups who work as an effective network in fact most effectively send the
frequent messages to the Dutch Public! They don't discover the wheel
again but they effectively work in their related areas and in cooperation
with other support groups they effectively cover the whole Netherlands
in geographical domain as well as in social, economical and political
domains. Dear Burmese Freedom Fighters we all are with you.

Thank you very much U Nwe Aung for your support from the rest of Europe
in general and from Germany in particular.

Sincerely yours,
NFB on behalf of Aung San Suu Kyi square action group.

******************************************************

ASAHI SHIMBUN: DIALOGUE COULD NUDGE BURMA TOWARDS
DEMOCRACY
POINT OF VIEW by Hiroyuki Yamamoto
April 12, 1996
from brelief@gol.com

During my two - year stint as a member of Asahi Shimbun's
Asian General Bureau in Bangkok, I visited Burma almost
every month to meet people there. Back here in Japan, I
still think of those who had the courage to criticize the military
regime. My heart broke when I heard them recount their hardships.

There is no freedom of speech in Burma, so it is not easy
for people to talk to foreign reporters. But some of those I
met did speak out, brushing aside fears they might be arrested.

Terror is etched in the minds of Burma's people. Many
have been arrested and tortured since the pro - democracy
movement picked up momentum in 1988.

"Prisoners were packed like sardines in a single ward and
slept side - by - side like logs," said a former political
prisoner, his eyes flashing with rage. "The whole room
smelled awful because of the toilet in a corner and the body
odor. Some prisoners did hard labor at quarries."

But when he finished speaking, he said, 'Please don't
mention my name." I heard that same request for
anonymity many times.

The crackdown on dissidents continues still.

"Officials show up at midnight or at dawn to arrest
suspects," said a member of the pro - democracy camp,
who himself has been arrested before. "I can't sleep well
because I'm afraid they might get me again."

Countless other people continue to live in the shadows of
fear and anxiety. They all have a strong desire to live
peacefully with their families and to speak without fear -- a
desire that only democracy can deliver.

But with the country mired in a standoff between the ruling
junta and the democratic forces led by Aung San Suu Kyi,
democracy and peaceful life in Burma still seem a long way off.

Leaders of the pro - democracy movement often asked me,
"Do you have any good news from Japan?" Japan was the
largest aid donor to Burma before the full - scale
democracy movement got underway.

That question, of course reflects an expectation that Japan
will help promote democratization in Burma. But it also
mirrors fears that Japan's economic power might again
prop up the military regime.

In fact, the junta stands firm, in part because investment
from foreign firms, including those in America and Europe,
is increasing.

Investment from Japan is also rising, with one company
pushing a project to build an industrial park.

Conventional wisdom says economic development creates
a middle class and leads eventually to democratization.
Under Burma's authoritarian regime, however, it is
doubtful whether the fruits of development can be
distributed sufficiently to the people to develop the middle
class.  Chances are that the economic benefits will be
concentrated in the hands of the privileged few.

Burmese flush with money show up at pricey discos in cars
and pay the equivalent of 800 yen per head for admission.

By contrast, young women working at road construction
sites in the suburbs of Rangoon make only about 40 yen a
day. I once visited one of these sites, where a 16 - year - old
girl laboring under the scorching sun still smiled and told
me, "The work here isn't harder than I can bear."

"In order to achieve both political stability and broad -
based economic development, the military and the
democratic forces must cooperate," says Yozo Yokota, a
Tokyo University professor who has compiled fact -
finding reports on Burma for the U.N. Commission on
Human Rights.

Pro - democracy activists say much the same thing.  The
ruling junta should hold dialogues with Suu Kyi and other
opposition leaders and listen to what they have to say.

Burma, which was once colonized by Britain and occupied
by Japanese troops, has a historical aversion to foreign
involvement in its internal affairs. The present regime is no exception.

Diplomats in Rangoon say that pressing the junta toward
democracy at this stage could be counterproductive. But
just watching on the sidelines means tolerating the way the
generals are running the country.

What is needed is for foreign countries, including Japan, to
conduct broad dialogues and exchanges with both the junta
and the democratic forces. In the process, the military
leadership can be induced to start moving toward democratization.

Someday democracy will prevail in Burma, with its people
beginning to talk freely. And then the Burmese people will
evaluate the role that Japan and other countries played in
Burma's democratic process.

The writer is an Asahi Shimbun staff writer who served
formerly as correspondent in Bangkok.

******************************************************

INDEPENDENT REPORT: OAKLAND MOVES CLOSER TO BURMA BILL
April 10, 1996  by Conrad MacKerron
From: Progressive Asset Management <pam@igc.apc.org>

The Finance and Legislation Committee of the Oakland City Council
voted unanimously Tuesday, April 9, to report out a Burma selective
purchasing and divestment Ordinance!! The final vote will be in two
weeks on April 23. A couple of committee members expressed
reservations over the divestment portion of the bill and stated that
they would like to remove it. However, we pointed out that the
bill contains a waiver provision so that if no suitable substitute
banks or investment firms can be found, the provision will not apply.
Following this explanation tere appeared to be no objection to the
bill and it passed without further problems.

If it passes in this form it will be the first legislation to feature
divestment in addition to selective purchasing as a warning to
companies not to invest in Burma until democracy is restored.

We think this will send a strong message to the national and
international financial community. Oakland seeks to be a leader on
the issue and to set a tough, high standard. It will be interesting
to see the resulting impact. Even if the divestment provision is weakened
or altered we will still have a significant victory with Oakland as
the largest U.S. city to date (pop. 350,000) to pass a Burma selective
purchasing law. A selective purchasing resolution for Alameda County
should also be passed within a week of the final Oakland action.

The Oakland City Council meeting will be in the evening, 7:30 p.m.,
April 23, 1996.

*************************************************************

INDEPENDENT REPORT: MASSACHUSETTS BURMA BILL CLEARS
SECOND READING......BUT WRECKING AMNEDMENT MAY BE OFFERED
April 11, 1996
From: Simon Billenness <simon_billenness@cybercom.net>

TIME TO CONTACT YOUR STATE SENATOR AGAIN...

Yesterday, Senator Brian Lees motion to table H2833 was defeated.
Consequently, the bill cleared its second reading and has now gone to its
third (and final) reading.

(H2833 was introduced by Rep. Byron Rushing (D-Boston). If passed, H2833
would prohibit the state's purchasing managers from buying the goods or
services of companies doing business in Burma. Last year, Berkeley (CA),
Madison (WI) and Santa Monica (CA) passed similar legislation. Legislation
is currently also pending in New York City, Oakland (CA) and San Francisco.)

Senator Lucile Hicks (R-Wayland) may offer a wrecking amendment to the Burma
bill, adding to the countries covered by the legislation: North Korea, Cuba,
Liberia and China. The addition of China would make the bill completely
unworkable. Since almost all Fortune 500 companies do business in China, if
the amendment passes then Massachusetts would be restricted from buying
goods or services from almost every American company!

The bill needs to be reported out of the Committee on Bills in the Third
Reading, before coming to its final vote. In addition to contacting your
state senator, please also call the Committee members (senators Ed Clancy,
Cheryl Jacques and Charles Shannon) as well as the Senate President Thomas
Birmingham.

CALL OR FAX YOUR STATE SENATOR ONE MORE TIME!

1.   Ask your state senator to vote:

a) AGAINST any amendment to H2833, particularly if offered by Senator Hicks

b) IN FAVOR of H2833 at its third (and final) reading vote

Call your state senator at the State House Switchboard: (617) 727-2121

Write your state senator at:
Massachusetts Senate
Commonwealth of Massachusetts
State House, Boston, MA 02133-1053

If you are not sure who is your state senator, give your address to the
State House Switchboard and they should be able able to connect you.

2.   Call Senator Lucile Hicks at (617) 722-1572 and ask (politely but
persistently!) that she not offer her motion to amend H2833 and that she
vote in favor of the bill. Fax: (617) 722-1014

3.   Call the following senators to ask that they ensure that H2833 is
brought to its third (and final) reading PROMPTLY and WITHOUT AMENDMENT.

Senator Ed Clancy (D-Lynn)
(617) 722-1350, (617) 722-1005 fax

Senator Cheryl Jacques (D-Needham)
(617) 722-1555, (617) 722-1054 fax

Senator Charles Shannon (R-Winchester)
(617) 722-1578, (617) 722-1117 fax

Senate President Thomas Birmingham (R-Chelsea)
(617) 722-1500, (617) 248-3840 fax

4.    Write Governor Weld to request that he sign the bill into law at the
earliest possible opportunity.

                DON'T DELAY!    WRITE AND CALL TODAY!

Simon Billenness, Franklin Research & Development
(617) 423 6655 x 225
simon_billenness@cybercom.net

