

------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------


"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"


----------------------------------------------------------





The BurmaNet News: January 2, 1996


Issue #312





Noted in Passing:





                Burma had a middle class in 1948, 1958 and 1962. The


                fact that we presently don't have a middle class is because


                of the Burma Army's meddling in politics. - Myint Thein


                (see BKK POST: LETTER - A NEW YEAR'S MESSAGE


                TO THE SLORC)





HEADLINES:


==========


BKK POST: LITTLE GIRL KILLED IN DKBA ATTACK ON BORDER VILLAGE


ABSDF(MTZ): TRANSLATED LETTER OF 23 POLITICIANS FROM INSIDE BURMA


NATION: BURMESE POLITICIANS URGE SLORC-SUU KYI TO OPEN


KNU: INFORMATION UPDATE


OUTLOOK MAGAZINE: INTERVIEW WITH BURMESE AMBASSADOR


CBC: INTERVIEW WITH ASSK


THE HINDU: ASEAN TRYING FOR NEW MARKET


BKK POST: LETTER - A NEW YEAR'S MESSAGE TO THE SLORC


BKK POST: PUBLIC RELATIONS NETWORK LOOKS TO BURMA


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------





BKK POST: LITTLE GIRL KILLED IN DKBA ATTACK ON BORDER VILLAGE


December 29, 1995                    Ta Song Yang, Tak





AN eight-year-old girl was killed and a man was kidnapped when a


border village was attacked by some 30 gunmen of the Democratic


Karen Buddhist Army on Wednesday night.





Suda Panyasupatho ran out of her house and was shot in the neck.


She died instantly.





Her father, Suphor Panyasupatho, 53, was shot in the shoulder. He


was taken to Mae Sot hospital.





About 1,000 residents from three villages nearby threatened to


leave their houses to seek temporary shelter in the Tha Song Yang


district office compound.





A district official said at least 30 DKBA gunmen crossed the


border into Thailand at about 8.30 p.m. on Wednesday and


plundered Tee Nor Koh Village, Tambon Mae U Su, at Kilometre 95


on Tha Song Yang-Mae Sa Rieng Road.





Preecha, Suda's elder brother, was held hostage by the group


after they took gold ornaments weighing 12 baht, cash and other


valuables worth over 100,000 baht from three houses before


returning to Burma.





A Border Patrol Police officer said the incident, which lasted


for about half an hour, took place two kilometres from the border


and only one kilometre from a police checkpoint.





Boonping Klinhom, 40, the in Tambon Mae U Su, yesterday morning


petitioned the Tha Song Yang District Officer.





Mr Boonping said about 1,000 residents from Villages 3,4 and 5


will move to the district office until measures are taken to


ensure security of life and property.





The Assistant District Chief of Tha Song Yang, Sompong Ditcharoen,


yesterday went to inspect the scene of Wednesday's attack.





He assigned a Burmese speaking interpreter to negotiate with DKBA


leaders for the release of Mr Preecha.





Earlier on Tuesday, the nearby Sho Klo camp which houses 9,405


Karen refugees was attacked by a group of armed men from the


DKBA. Two people were injured.





Karens in the camp said Burmese soldiers have stopped providing


consumer goods to members of the DKBA during the past few months,


prompting them to resort to crossing the border into Thailand on looting forays.





On Monday at least 10 people armed with AK47s, carbines and


pistols reportedly crossed the border and plundered a shop owned


by Manit Chaisikham at Wang Ta Khian Village in Tambon Tha Sai


Luad, Mae Sot.





Mr Manit was said to have been hit in the head by carbine and


shotgun bullets.





He was robbed of his ID card, 7,000 baht and 8,000 kyats in cash,


a crate of whisky and five hens.





**************************************************************





ABSDF(MTZ): TRANSLATED LETTER OF 23 POLITICIANS FROM INSIDE BURMA


December 29, 1995               from lurie@mozart.inet.co.th





All the readers on the net,





We received this request letter, which was written in Burmese


text and undersigned by 23 senior politicians, from inside Burma.


I hereby enclosed with the direct translation from Burmese text


to English. And it is our responsibility if there are any


mistranslation in the Burmese to English translation.





Foreign Affairs


ABSDF (88 camps)





Date: December 29, 1995





***************************************************************





    A Request to Slorc and NLD led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to open a


                dialogue for the national reconciliation





1. We, the undersigned veteran politicians who had contributed in


the successive stages of the struggle for Burma independence,


hereby jointly  request the Slorc and the NLD led by Daw Aung San


Suu kyi, with sincerity and goodwill, to hold a dialogue for the


sake of the people and the country.





2. We believe that Burma gained her independence because people


of Burma, monks, political parties and Tatmadaw collectively had


endeavored their best, with solidarity and cooperation, in the


period of the independence struggle. Not only to safeguard her


independence but also to construct a peaceful, democratic and


developed country, all the people of Burma must attempt with


solidarity for the cause.





3. The present day is the most relevant time for establishing


national solidarity in Burma.





4. In order to establish the national solidarity, the first


requirement that we should implement is national reconciliation.


In the present world history, there are many numerous examples of


solving longstanding national and regional conflicts through


negotiation.





5. We sincerely believe that the only way to achieve "National


reconciliation," the first ever most inspiration of entire people


of Burma in accordance with the current situation in Burma and


international community as well, is dialogue between the Slorc


and the NLD led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Therefore we would like


to request the Slorc and the NLD led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to


immediately hold the dialogue.





Signed by:





1. Bo Hmu Aung                17. Bo Sein Aung Lin


2. Tha Khin Chit              18. U Ba Tun


3. Tha Khin Thein pe          19. Dr. Maung Maung Kyaw


4. Bo Aung Naing              20. U Ye Myint


5. Bo Thar Htun               21. U Thar Ban


6. Bo Tin Hla Oo              22. U Myint Aye


7. U Aung Myint               23. Bo Nyo


8. U Nyunt Thein


9. Nai Ngwe Thein


10. U Min Lwin


11. U Tin Tun


12. Tha Khin Chit Maung


13. Tha Khin Khin Aung


14. Tha Khin Lwin


15. U Than Sein


16. Bo San Thar Kyaw





 Date: Friday November 24, 1995





*************************************************





NATION: BURMESE POLITICIANS URGE SLORC-SUU KYI TO OPEN


NEGOTIATIONS    December 30, 1995     Reuter    (abridged)





A GROUP of veteran Burmese politicians has issued a rare public


statement calling for dialogue between the ruling military junta


and democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.





A copy of the statement by the 23 politicians, including former


colleagues of Suu Kyi's father, Burma's national hero Gen Aung


San, was smuggled out of Burma and distributed by Thai-based


dissidents yesterday.





Heading the list of the veteran politicians who issued the


statement was Bohmu Aung, a member of the Thirty Comrades, young


nationalists smuggle out of then-British-ruled Burma in the 1940s


and trained in Japanese-occupied China to fight for Burma's independence.





The Comrades included Aung San, who negotiated independence from


Britain in the aftermath of World War 11. All 30 Comrades are


modern Burma's national heroes.





Also on the list of politicians signing the statement were


veteran nationalist members of Burma's pre-independence army,


various trade union leaders and leftist politicians prominent


during Burma's brief period of democracy in the 1950s.





*****************************************************************





KNU: INFORMATION UPDATE


December 31, 1995





The following information has just been reported from KNU 2nd Brigade area


in Taungoo District, northern Karen State.





On 26/12/95, Battalion Commander Khin Maung Win of SLORC #55 Infantry


Battalion called a meeting in Klaw Muh Der village.  At the meeting he


gave orders to the villagers that all the villages listed below must


relocate to Klaw Muh Der by 30/12/95 at the latest.  He said that all


people who do not move will be considered as enemy insurgents and treated


as such [i.e. killed on sight].  The following villages are subject to the order:





Dta Pa Kee


Mwee Loh


Plaw Baw Der


Kho Poh Loh


Kheh Der


Ler Kla Der


Hu Muh Der





On 27/12/95 Strategic Commander Myo Hla of Strategic Command #1 and


Intelligence Officer Tin Myo gave orders for villages around Kler Lah


to send over 500 porters.  These porters are to gather at Kler Lah by


27/12/95 at the latest, or their villages will face action.  The following


list gives the number of porters demanded from each village:





Kler Lah village          190 porters


Gkaw Thay Der village     100


Pah Thaw Der village       70


Gkaw Soh Koh village       60


Deh Doh village            30


Ler Ko village             10


Wah Tho Po village         10


Maw Pah Der village        20


Nya Plaw Der village       20


Maw Ko Der village         20





TOTAL                     530 porters





They also ordered 1 private truck to be provided from Kler Lah village and


another from Ler Ko village.  They also placed severe restrictions on


movement of anyone in all of these areas. Anyone found moving between


villages faces arrest, torture, conscription as a porter or summary execution.





On 26/12/95 Strategic Commander Myo Hla of Strategic Command #1 ordered


all villagers in Gkaw Thay Der and Kler Lah villages who own vehicles


which travel to Taungoo to come and remain in Kler Lah by the end of


December at the latest. He said they will no longer be given permission


to go to Taungoo. They will only be allowed to travel between Kler Lah


and Si Kheh Der areas using the Naw Soh road. No other roads may be used.


The apparent purpose of this order is to make all private vehicles readily


available to be commandeered by SLORC forces in the Kler Lah area.





All of these events are signs of an imminent SLORC military offensive in


the Taungoo District area.  For several months now, SLORC forces in the


area have been on a systematic campaign of destroying villages and burning


crops and food supplies in the area in an effort to cut off civilian support


of the KNU. Now SLORC clearly plans an offensive to try to gain complete


military control of the region. Villagers are in a desperate situation, as


SLORC has blocked the escape route from the area to the Thai border. Many


of their homes and food supplies have already been destroyed by SLORC, and


now they face conscription as porters for a major offensive and forced


relocation to SLORC labour camps while SLORC declares their home villages


to be free-fire zones. Should SLORC succeed in gaining stronger control of


the area, the majority of villagers will be herded into forced labour camps


indefinitely.  It should be noted that all of these events are happening


at a time when SLORC claims to be sincerely seeking peace with the KNU,


and when SLORC Secretary-1 Khin Nyunt has told UN Special Rapporteur Yozo


Yokota that he has supposedly issued a "secret directive" to stop all use of forced labour.





**********************************************





OUTLOOK MAGAZINE: INTERVIEW WITH BURMESE AMBASSADOR


TO INDIA    December 29, 1995


From: fdhr!chan@unv.ernet.in





OUTLOOK MAGAZINE (INDIA): INDO-MAYANMAR TIES





More importance has been attached to the prize to Suu Kyi than bilateral


relations An interview with the ambassador of Myanmar to India, U Win


Lwin.





- For years, Indo-Myanmar relations were virtually frozen. There has


been a thaw in the last couple of years. What led to this? - When I


presented my credentials to President R. Venkataraman in January 1992,


he spoke of democracy, human rights and transfer of power in Myanmar.


But after sometime, I could notice the Indian side not using the words


transfer of power or human rights.





I feel this was because the Indian leadership understood what was going


on in Myanmar. In fact, our leadership has tried to have better


relations with all neighbours, including India.





- What is the state of bilateral ties today? Are they strained because


of the Nehru Award given to Aung San Suu Kyi? - Should I use the word


strained? Actually it is not strained. There is a slight turbulence.





- Is it because of the Award? - There are two things. Giving the award


is one factor and having a big ceremony for it is another. According to


our rules and regulations regarding receiving of awards from foreign


governments and institutions, the person concerned has to take prior


perm ission to the Myanmar government. Similarly, the institution giving


the award also has to take the permission of the Myanmar government for


doing so.





- What about the Nobel Prize? - It was the same. No one took permission.





- Did your government lodge a protest when the Nehru Award was given? -


We said nothing when the award was announced. But when the ceremony was


announced, we show our displeasure.





- Has this turbulence affected cooperation in checking insurgency and


drug trafficking along India's North-Eastern border? - For the time


being I do not if this cooperation has been affected. Official level


meetings are taking place. There will be another meeting soon.





- What can be done to improve ties? - There are certain basic things. We


do not wish to do anything that will cause any embarrassment to the


Indian Government. For instance, we have never expressed our opinion on


anything that may be your internal matter. Did you ever hear anything


from us about Ayodhya? That's Myanmar's way to behaving with other


countries. We do not interfere in the internal affairs of anyone and we


feel that our neighbour should do the same. In the days of Jaraharlal


Nehru and Indira Gandhi, when U Nu and Gen Ne Win were


 in power, the relations were fine. I am supersede how they have


changed. I wish I knew who changed the policy towards Myanmar and what


were the reasons for it. Are we not behaving well? Have we done anything


objectionable to India? All governments in Mya nmar have been sincere. I


would say India has changed, but our policy has not.





- Are things likely to improve soon? - There are many factors, including


India's sincerity. Our people feel they have been sincere. They expect


reciprocity from India.





- Why did things go wrong? - I should not point my finger at anyone. I


feel both governments would try their best to improve relations. I hope


there will be no more turbulence in future as it has happened this time.


Tell me, how would you feel if we gave a similar prize to someone who is


doing something against India and shouting about democracy and human


rights. If a far-flung country gives such an award or commits an act, it


is something. But if it is done by a brother neighbour, it is different.


It's tragic that more importance has been attached to the prize than


relations between the two countries.





- But Suu Kyi has complained that India is collaborating with Myanmar


and not doing enough for democracy in her country. - Let me ask you


something. What is the Indain Government collaborating with the Myanmar


Government on? It is the Myanmar Government which is collaborating with


your government to counter the problem in the North-East. At the same


time you gave a prize to


 Suu Kyi. By the way, who put pressure to gave the award to Suu Kyi? Do


you think your government gave it on its own or was it under pressure


from somebody or some country?





- You mean there was pressure from the West? - I do not know. You have


lots of lobbies and NGOs, within and without India. Many things are


orchestrated in the media and else where against Myanmar. Some NGOs


receive funds from the west.





- Suu Kyi says the national convention drafting the constitution has no


credibility since it lacks elected members. - The national convention


does not need to have all MPs as long as it has representatives from all


sections of the society, including all political parties. The national


convention is not a show for a single political party. The convention is


to draw up a framework for a future modern state.





- Suu Kyi's party was elected to power, but it was not transferred to


her. Why? - Things are now different from 1990. We are going into 1996.


In all countries elections are held every four years because people


change their minds. So she cannot go by the 1990 polls.





- She has said the military is trying to gain a permanent role through


the proposed constitution. - She has been giving different excuses.


Sometimes she speaks of democracy, then of power not being handed over


to her. If she did not agree with the national convention, why were her


representative sitting in it for the last two years? Why withdraw now?


 It was done by Suu Kyi on her own. There is no democracy in her party.





- India has been home to dissidents from Myanmar. Any comments?


- There are many joint communiques between India and Myanmar which speak


of not allowing one's territory to be used against the other. But since the late 80s,


India claims it has allowed these people to come here on humanitarian grounds.


India and Myanmar are like brothers. If India wants democracy, it should help


our government in bringing a democracy with values. Myanmar does not need


relations have to be viewed in wider perspective, which the Indian leadership is


now doing.





***********************************************





CBC: INTERVIEW WITH ASSK


December 28, 1995


From: Canadian Friends of Burma <cfob@web.apc.org>





Editor's Note: This article was listed in the headings of BurmaNet News #303,


but the article did not appear.  Here it is in full.





------------------------------------------------------


Hi all!  The following is a special report that was aired on Sunday on CBC


Radio (Canada's national radio station)..thought it would be good to share


it with everyone.  Happy New Year in advance from all of us here, let's hope


1996 brings change to Burma. - Christine





CANADIAN FRIENDS OF BURMA


(National Office)                       tel: 613 237-8056


145 Spruce Street, Suite 206            fax: 613 563-0017


Ottawa, Ontario  K1R 6P1                email: cfob@web.apc.org


CANADA


--------------------------------------------------------





CANADIAN BROADCASTING CORPORATION (CBC) RADIO


Report aired on Dec. 17, 1995 on CBC's "Sunday Morning Report"


by Dick Gordon in Rangoon.





  At the ancient shrine of Rangoon's Buddhists, amid the silver


towers and golden steeples of the Shwedagon Pagoda, pilgrims from


across this land come to pray.  Local astrologers guide the


people to different statues.  The white marble Buddhas draped in


petals of purple orchids, washed with the holy water from the


apprentice priests.  For nearly 2000 years, the people have come


here in search of serenity and peace.


  Now there is another place where the people are gathering for


sustenance of another sort.  The sidewalks outside of 54


University Drive.  Every Saturday and Sunday afternoon people


come by the thousands.  They spread newspaper to sit on the hot


pavement and settle in.


  Vendors step lightly through the crowd selling lime slices on


sticks sprinkled with red pepper.  It's a time to smoke and talk.


  Everybody here calls this place by the same name, not 54


University Drive.  Certainly not Aung San Suu Kyi's home.  The


mere mention of her name's been enough to get people arrested.


Instead they come to The Lady's House.  We're going to The Lady's


House, they say, or I'll meet you at The Lady's House.


  Anticipation is in the air.  Everyone's watching the high-


painted metal gate.  It's at this point a man in the crowd edges


himself close enough to whisper something.





  UNIDENTIFIED: I'll meet you in front of the....





  GORDON: Meet me in front of the Strand Hotel, he says.  It's a


big downtown hotel where foreigners on street corners don't


attract a lot of attention.  He leans and speaks looking in


another direction.





  UNIDENTIFIED: Meet me in front of the Strand Hotel.





  GORDON: And you'll see me?





  UNIDENTIFIED: I'll see you, I'll meet you there.





 (APPLAUSE)





  GORDON: Then the man turns back to the metal gate and joins in


the clapping as The Lady, Aung San Suu Kyi, steps into view.





  Suu Kyi looks out at the people who have gathered.





  Aung San Suu Kyi: (speaking in Burmese)....





  GORDON: After joking with the crowd she starts reading from a


sheet of paper in her hand, letters, she says, that people send her.





  AUNG SAN SUU KYI: (Speaking in Burmese)...





  (then talking with Gordon)


  One of the letters that I read out was from somebody in a


Sasalak (?) township saying that the price of rice water...do you


know what rice water is?





GORDON: No, I don't





  SUU KYI:  It's...well, there are two ways of cooking rice.


The healthy way really is to cook it so it absorbs all the water,


but I'm afraid a lot of Burmese people still cook it in the


unhealthy way, which is to boil it in a lot of water and then


pour out the water.  Now that water which is poured out is called


rice water.  In some very extravagant households they will just


throw that water away, but in most sensible householders they


drink that water as well.


  Now apparently in the Sasalak township of (inaudible), they


have been selling this water, what you call rice water, for those


who can't afford to ear rice.  Now, when I was first told about


it, about a month ago, the price of each bottle of rice water, I


suppose it's about a pint bottle, was two kyats.  Then this


letter came off to me, saying one bottle of rice water costs


three kyats.  And then somebody in the crowd said no no it's five


kyats now.  So, how's that for inflation.  Inflation is


absolutely terrible.  People in Burma, people from a country


which used to be the world's biggest exporter of rice, if people


in Burma, and not people very far from the capital, are having to


live on rice water, and the price of rice water has gone up from


two kyats last month, or five kyats this month, that tells us


about both development and inflation.





  GORDON: It is the attention to simple, practical issues like


rice water, rather than political rhetoric, which endures Suu Kyi


to her followers.  But there is another sound, competing with the


cheers of the people.





  BRIGADIER GENERAL DAVID ABEL (Government Minister in Charge of


National Planning and Economic Development): Well, you know, when


we came to government in 1988 the economy was in very bad shape.





  GORDON: The government minister in charge of national planning


and economic development is Brigadier Gen. David Abel.  He likes


to talk about all the hotels, and plazas and shopping centres


currently under construction.





  ABEL: ...with investments and you know, with a prudent, sound


policy we have managed to come all along this way now.  Never in


the post-independence history of Myanmar, the post-war history of


Myanmar, has Myanmar ever achieved this economic growth.  Never.





  Suu Kyi: There have been economic opportunities, but these


opportunities are limited to those who have the right, shall we


put it, contacts.  Bur the majority of the people, their lives


have not improved.


  Now, if you consider that the pay of policemen starts at


around 670 kyats a month, and that is costs more than that to


feed a family of four for a week, you can see that things are not


going well in this country.





  GORDON: Suu Kyi, meanwhile, is pushing hard to persuade


foreign investors to stay away.  The military leaders depend on


that money from abroad for their grand capital products.  Suu Kyi


knows that and she thinks her campaign is working.  The Brigadier


General thinks it's funny.





  ABEL:  You know, that's a joke.  Money, it motivates man.


Even if you are in the grave.  You show a dollar, a ten dollar


bill over the grave, it moves.  You show a hundred dollar bill


over the grave, one hand will come up.  If you show one thousand


dollar bill over the grave the fellow will get up and say I'll


walk with you.  So, I think, you know, this type of thing


is...it's motivation.  I mean, when they can do good business


here, they can do...they can do business, they can make money.  I


think the businessmen, the investors, they're motivated to make


money, either for themselves or for their shareholders.  That's


their responsibility.  So, if they can make money, why not?  The


are not worried about what the politicians say because today they


might be on the phone, tomorrow they might be on the ground, you see.





  SUU KYI:  Do you not consider that a very telling comment?


That he thinks everybody can be bought with money.  Is that not a


very telling comment on the kind of society, on the kind of


community in which he lives?





  GORDON: But it's obviously a measure by which he gauges his


own success.





  SUU KYI: That's not what everybody is like, you see.  It is


very disturbing that the authorities should be surrounded by


people who will do anything for money, and that they themselves


should believe that money can buy anything.  That would show a


gross lack of principles.  But there are many people in Burma who


have sacrificed not just their wealth, but their liberty and


their lives for what they believe in, and I think it's these


people who will lead Burma to happier times.





  ABEL: It doesn't worry me what the world says, as long as the


grassroots people, they are happy, that they are having a better


life, a good quality of life.  I don't worry about the rest.





  SUU KYI:  And the fact that they say they don't care, shows


exactly why they are so bad for the country.  A government should


care, a government that does not care, either about the opinion


of the people or of international...of the opinions of the


international community, is badly out of sync with the rest of


the world.  This is not a time when we can live isolated.  You


know, now man can be an island onto himself in this day and age.


And for me the most important thing is opinion of the people.


And the majority of the people of Burma are solidly behind the


cause for democracy.


  Yes, they are very frightened.  They have been badly


intimidated.  So many people have been flung into prison for so


many different reasons.





  GORDON: Yet one of these people has asked for a secret rendez-


vous.  A meeting outside the Strand Hotel.  Soon enough a voice


by my right shoulder says, you better follow me.  For the next 15


minutes, I'm walking behind a man through the back streets of


Rangoon, stepping over the open sewers, past the beggars.


Eventually, deep inside one of the city's cafes.  The owner puts


Pepsis and cigarettes on the table and stands by the door.  The


man I followed, who asks not to be named says he's a local


organizer for the National League for Democracy.  He does not


have a Nobel Peace Prize for protection.





  UNIDENTIFIED: Ho ho, it's very difficult....very difficult. At


present, you see, I take you to this place, you see, we have...


security here, see I mean, and privacy, and we can talk freely


here, see.





  GORDON: Is there anyone, are there people in Rangoon that you


can trust?  Is it difficult?





  UNIDENTIFIED: Oh very difficult, because you see even among


our...fellow members, you see, are not reliable you see.





GORDON: Can you explain for me how it is that the people who are


running this country have created such fear among the people?





UNIDENTIFIED: By means of terrorism, when they ask for democracy


you see.  There's a big danger.





GORDON: My companion, it turns out, wants to pass along a


message.  Please, he says, help get the United Nations to mediate


between the military leaders and Aung San Suu Kyi.





UNIDENTIFIED: Mediation, you see, the UN can help our country,


you see, can mediate between two groups, you see.  That is the


only hope I have.





GORDON:  My companion does not want to talk for a long time.


He's worried we'll be seen.  He's also anxious to say how


important he feels Aung San Suu Kyi is to the democratic cause in


his country.





UNIDENTIFIED: We trust her, very much.  She has a very, I mean,


clear conviction about how people are suffering in this country.





GORDON: Do you worry about her, do you worry that...?





UNIDENTIFIED: Of course, really I'm worried about her.  I trust


her.





GORDON: What would happen if something happened to her?





UNIDENTIFIED: Oh, it's unthinkable, you see.





SUU KYI: It's...what I feel uncomfortable about is the fact that


a personality cult might grow up around me.  I think that is not


healthy for democratic politics.  But on the other hand, one has


to be practical, and we recognize the fact that at certain times


during...in the course of the struggle, it is good to have one


person on whom the world can focus.  That does a lot for our


cause.  So we have to find a healthy balance.





GORDON: Do you think there comes a time when a people has been


beaten and intimidated and frightened by its own government for


so long that it loses the will or the energy to take up anything


in a political battle?





Suu Kyi: I don't think so.  When you consider the countries of


Eastern Europe, which were so much more oppressed than we were


for so much longer, they did not lose this concept of freedom and


of innate dignity.  I think there is something in us that tells


us that we have a right to lead secure, dignified lives.  And I


think that will always assert itself.





GORDON: It is a curious time for the people of Burma, the people


of Myanmar.  After six years under house arrest, their Lady is


speaking out.  The military leaders are hoping such a gesture


will ease their acceptance internationally as a legitimate


government.  And yet her voice remains the clearest and most


consistent condemnation of the legitimacy of the generals.


  If democracy comes to this country, if Myanmar once again


becomes Burma, it may come from the private prayers of the


pilgrims here, but it will happen at that other address, the one


of University Drive; the Lady's House.





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THE HINDU: ASEAN TRYING FOR NEW MARKET


December 27, 1995   by F. J. Khergamvala


fdhr!chan@unv.ernet.in





        The economically progressive but politically defensive


 South East Asian Nations last week sent a strong signal of welcome


to the Generals in Burma (renamed by them as Myanmar). The top


gun among those depots is now due to visit Beijing. Japan too is


playing ducks and drakes with one of Asia's most repressive regimes.


        The three power centres of East Asia are now engaged in


a policy of trying to draw the State Law and Order Restoration Council


(SLORC) into their embrace. Of them, only China, a similarly repressive


and backward system can claim it  is wooing a like-minded regime. The


members of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and


Japan are trying to obtain or reopen a new market as well as attempting to


undermine China's influence in Myanmar. Only the U.S., among the major


East power is, largely in response to Congressional pressures trying to


bridle the ambitions of the SLORC but occupy primacy in Sino-U.S. ties,


so too one day the U.S. will resist the urge to surrender a virgin market to


it Asian competitors.


        When Gen. Than Shwe, the Chairman of the SLORC visits


Beijing shortly his hosts will greet him with a big toast to repression,


accompanied by derisive mirth at those Western champions of human


rights and democracy. Gen. Than Shwe's visit was finalised some 10 days


ago when China sent a 58 member delegation to Myanmar under Mr. Li


Ruihuan, Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference


the fourth ranking member of in the Chinese leadership. Gen. Than Shwe's


success with his South East Asian neighbours represents not only a gain for


his method but also for China's own model.


        At almost the same time as Mr. Li's visit Gen. Than Shwe made


his first visit to an ASEAN country since he took over as head of the SLORC


in April 1992. Last July the SLORC Generals showed that whatever they


may e lacking in democratic values they makes up through political savvy.


After releasing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from detention, they acceded to the


ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South East Asia, which almost


guarantees observer status in ASEAN which in turn clears the way for full


membership.


        But then on reflection, its birds of a feather flock together. "We will


accept you for what you are," said the Singapore's Prime Minister, Mr. Goh Chok


Tong.


        It was Japanese aid, investment and technology that were the


biggest disincentive to political change in South East Asia and Myanmar


hopes for the same. In Indonesia the Japanese have financed 45 per cent


of hydroelectric power stations, 15 per cent of expressway and 54 per cent of


the capital's water treatment installations. Having dropped two anchors, one each


in Beijing and the ASEAN capitals, the Generals of Myanmar know that the


dual face of Japanese diplomacy under its policy of "conditional resumption


of aid" will keep the yen flowing, especially now to catch up with the


investments of Singapore and Thailand which are four times as much as


Japan's in a market of 43 million people.


        In its annual survey of nearly 300 companies, the Export-Import


Bank of Japan found that Myanmar had moved to seventh place as an


investment destination. This is certainly to influence Japan's policy which,


until July was linked to the release of Ms. Suu Kyi. That done, Daiwa


Securities Co. immediately announce plans to open a brokerage office in


Myanmar and to set up a stock exchange. Last October Japan provided yen


1.6 billion in grants for nurse training school, despite Ms. Suu Kyi plea that


"I would like conditions (for aid resumption) that are very firm." A


memorandum was signed to allowed the establishment's blue eyed boy


Mitsui to do a feasibility study on a $700 million power unit and fertilizer


plant. The Bank of Tokyo, the financial chaperone of Mitsui decided to become


the first Japanese Bank with a Myanmar branch, after its pull out in 1984.


After all 15 foreign banks, especially those from Singapore and Thailand were


soaking up too much business.


        Commenting on the ASEAN's welcome to repressive regimes, the


Japan Times said "there is something demeaning in the idea that tariff rates are


worthy of scrutiny while treatment afforded fellow human being is not." But


the Japanese press is unable to stop the rush to Myanmar. One firm is to build


a 21 storey "intelligent building," Marubeni an industrial park and


banks are  busy organising investment seminar for pleasing the Generals.


 Ms. Suu Kyi's voice is scarcely heeded.


        It must though be said the Murayama Government itself has drawn


back slightly while giving a free hand to the big companies. A yen 4.8 billion loan


has not been cleared, an aid mission has twice been put off but with the Mekong


 development projects coming up, the pressures from the private sectors are


bound to tell. Japan agreed this month to let both countries' air carrier exchange


flights and three Japanese airlines are to share the spoils. The Human Rights


Watch report was  correct in calling Japan's policy a mockery of its own aid


principles.


        There are supporters of the dubious theory of "constructive


engagement." Japan's new Ambassador to the U.S., Mr. Kunihiko Saito


admits "we (U.S. and Japan) have taken different approaches to countries


like China and Myanmar." "Democracy should not be ashamed to encourage


business people to be first in Burma," wrote the U.S. Ambassador to the


United Nations, Ms. Madeleine Albright. That betrays the U.S. own attitude


in many places, including China, but the bottom-line is that powers like Japan


which unflinchingly played the financier of the U.S. interests in Asia during


the cold war are now turning their back on morality.





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BKK POST: LETTER - A NEW YEAR'S MESSAGE TO THE SLORC


December 24, 1995     by Myint Thein   (abridged)





THE Slorc will do just about anything to hang on to power. They


will cheat, they will lie and they will engage in cosmetic


thanakha (face powder paste) reforms with a combination of


threats and vague promises.





The Slorc generals spend billions of dollars on war weapons to


"protect" the country. At the same time they surrendered Burmese


sovereignty to the Thahtay Kyun Islands in the Andaman Sea to a


Thai company to operate a gambling casino that is illegal under


both Burmese and Thai law.





This Andaman Club Myanmar will have duty-free shopping which


means they are exempt from Burmese immigration and customs laws.


China lost Hong Kong to the British due to the Opium War. Burma


lost sovereignty of its territory to a Thai company to line the


pockets of the Slorc.





We must fight for basic freedoms in Burma. Only fools and liars


think that the Slorc will voluntarily transfer power to the


elected civilian government. If the Slorc refuses to negotiate,


the only remaining option is to get rid of it. Its as simple as


that. But it should be very clear that it was a choice made by the Slorc.





Burma in 1948, 1958 and 1962 had a higher standard of living for


the average Burmese than the Slorc's Myanmar of 1995. The talk


that the Slorc is saving Burma is rubbish.





The theory that Burma needs economic development to develop a


middle class which will demand political reforms is also


rubbish.. Burma had a middle class in 1948, 1958 and 1962. The


fact that we presently don't have a middle class is because of


the Burma Army's meddling in politics.





Burma's middle class was forced to leave Burma because of 30


years of military rule that destroyed Burma. Approximately one


million Burmese reside outside Burma. The Burmese did not


immigrate when the Burma Army tried to "save" Burma.





There is indeed a Burmese middle class. They are now successful


and well-connected in many countries. They will help fight for


basic freedoms in Burma since their countrymen are held at


gun-point by the Burma Army.





Burma in 1948, 1958 and 1962 had an excellent educational system.


Burma also had excellent hospitals with medicine and


foreign-trained doctors. We also did not have Burmese prostitutes


in Thailand. The Slorc's Myanmar has devastated the Burmese


educational system. Slorc's Myanmar has hospitals without


medicine or foreign trained doctors. The Slorc's Myanmar also has


50,000 Burmese women working as prostitutes in Thailand.





Burma in 1948' 1958 and 1962 was free and independent. The


Slorc's Myanmar is an economic colony of foreign investors. No


Burmese can afford to stay in these hotels that charge US$140 per


day. We have become a nation of bellboys, clerks and prostitutes


working for hotels owned by foreigners which eater exclusively to


foreigners. Mandela's South Africa dismantled apartheid. The


Slorc's Myanmar is building apartheid.





During the past year I have been privileged to notice the next


generation of Burmese leaders. One of them represented the


Burmese Resistance at the Beijing Conference on Women. She has a


PhD from MIT.





I was also impressed with a young Burmese in Wisconsin who


recently earned his PhD degree. He organised the very successful


"Free Burma" rally at 70 college campuses around the world.





None of these outstanding young Burmese are returning to Burma.


This is the tragedy of Burma.





This has been a bad year for Slorc and its collaborators. They


were forced to release Aung San Suu Kyi. Chinese military sales


were terminated to improve Sino-American relations.


Their-negotiations with Rosvooruzheniye, the Russian State Arms


Export Agency, have been complicated due to US government


enquiries. The Burma Army is divided into three factions, and the


National Convention is illegitimate without the participation of


Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD.





The Slorc's New Light of Myanmar, the military newspaper, called


Aung San Suu Kyi a traitor and threatened to annihilate her.


These are desperate acts of desperate men. They know they are on


the verge of losing.





There are many good officers in the Burma Army. In 1988 the


commander of one Light Infantry division refused orders to shoot


unarmed civilians and marched his troops out of Rangoon. In 1996


we will cut a deal with one faction in the Burma Army. We will


act swiftly decisively and with extreme prejudice when an


opportunity is presented to restore freedom and democracy in Burma.





The flag of freedom will fly again in Burma.





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BKK POST: PUBLIC RELATIONS NETWORK LOOKS TO BURMA


December 29, 1995





With the official signing last week of the joint-venture


agreement establishing Total Quality PR, came news that the new


public-relations network may be stepping into the emerging market


of Burma via TQPR Thailand and Spa Today.





Spa Today, a 60-40 joint venture between Future Communications


and Today Advertising, is in the process of registration and wil1


formally open its doors in March.





Another joint-venture agreement signed recently in Burma is


between McCann-Erickson and its affiliate, Saan Aung Imaging Ltd


(SAIL). Sail started five years ago as a merchandising and sales


promotion company. Sail McCann-Erickson, as the new agency is


called, will be fully operational next month. A Thai general


manager, currently working at an international agency in Bangkok,


with marketing experience in Burma, will be stationed there in February.





Unlike Vietnam, the number of international agencies present in


Burma is still small. However, the legislation governing ad


agencies is not as strict, and they may open fully-fledged


100%-owned shops if they wish. Joint ventures with local partners


are preferred, however, since knowledge of the local market, not


to mention connections, are keys to success.





The only other two international publicity agencies that have set up


joint-venture companies are Bates, the first international agency


to set foot in Burma and the largest. Bates has substantial


tobacco business (this one of the few markets in the region where


cigarette advertising has not been abolished) from clients such


as British American Tobacco.





Prakit/FCB is the other agency in a joint venture, although


McCann-Erickson maintained an affiliation with SAIL for 18 months


before its joint venture came to fruition. Other foreign-owned


agencies include some Singaporean companies such as Maccom,


Myanmar Media international (which Leo Burnett has targeted for


affiliation) and Premier.





The embryonic state of the industry is summed up by the number of


local agencies: four in total, two freshly set up. Spa Today's


partner, Today Advertising, began only six months ago as a member


company of the Today Media Group. The group started two years ago


as publisher of magazines and is now one of five media


representative offices in Burma. The others are Golden Myanmar,


Panorama, Seven Dragons and Digital Media.





Although magazines are freely circulated, private companies are


restricted from owning mass media. Newspapers, television and


radio are in the hands of the government. TV commercials can be


seen on two state-run stations: MRTD and Myawadee. MRTD commands


the highest rates with a 30-second spot costing the equivalent of


19,000 baht. Total annual spending on measured media (excluding


outdoor) stands at the equivalent of 250 million baht, according


to statistics from McCann-Erickson.





With all of the Unilever business and other McCann-Erickson


international accounts such as Gillette, San Miguel, Nestle's


Milo and Nescafe, SAIL Advertising's total capitalised billings


are expected to reach US$3 million next year. It will operate


with a total staff of 32 (12 in advertising and 20 in merchandising).





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