----------------------------- BurmaNet -------------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: June 13, 1996
Issue #442

HEADLINES:
==========
COLOGNE DEUTSCHLANDFUNK NETWORK: OPPOSITION NLD
THE NATION: BURMA POLICY 'NOT JUST CASH' AMNUAY INSISTS
THE NATION: ASEAN MUST ENGAGE BURMA'S OPPOSITION
THE NATION: LEE'S COMMENTS 'AN INSULT TO BURMESE PEOPLE'
THE NATION: CHAIWAT TO WITNESS MOU SIGNING IN BURMA
THE NATION: PUT THE PRESSURE ON SLORC
BKK POST: TWO FRONTIER PASSES WITH BURMA OPENED
BKK POST: BURMA DICTATORS MUST TRY RECONCILIATION
ANNOUNCEMENT: RE: MASSACHUSETTS BURMA BILL (H2833)
------------------------------------------------------------

COLOGNE DEUTSCHLANDFUNK NETWORK: OPPOSITION NLD
LEADER URGES UNITED INTERNATIONAL EFFORT
June 10, 1996
From: John Scherb <mcs@primenet.com>
(in German, 0515 GMT 10 Jun 96)

[Announcer] In Burma the recent confrontation between the military
dictatorship and the democratic opposition appears to be worsening.
Despite the indirect threat by the regime to ban the opposition NLD and to
punish so-called destructive activities with up to 20 years imprisonment,
the leader of the League, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi,
whose overwhelming election victory six years ago was not recognized by
the military and resulted in years of house arrest and forced separation
from her British husband, publicly spoke to thousands of her supporters
again in Rangoon at the weekend. Yesterday we had the opportunity to speak
to Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon by telephone. We asked her what she
wanted to say to her audience.

 [Aung San Suu Kyi] My main message is that when we founded the National
League for Democracy we promised that we would work for democracy in
Burma and we intend to abide by our promise. All the members of the
league must abide by this promise to the people.

 [Correspondent] The Burmese State Law and Order Restoration Council
[SLORC] has just introduced a new law that threatens to punish so-called
destructive activities with up to 20 years imprisonment. Do you now
expect a more serious confrontation between the National League for
Democracy and the SLORC military regime?

 [Aung San Suu Kyi] If there is confrontation it certainly will not come
from our side. We have never gone in for confrontation and we have never
indulged in any kind of  destructive activities.

 [Correspondent] When you held the first party congress of the National
League for Democracy in many years at your house in Rangoon in May,
more than 250 members were arrested. What do you know about their
fate?

 [Aung San Suu Kyi] About 160 we know have now been released. We have
not heard from about 100. So we do not know whether or not they have
been released. We do know for certain that four NLD representatives from
Rangoon are still in prison, as are some staff and supporters of our party.
A total of 20 or 21 people in Rangoon who were arrested before our party
congress have still not been released. The treatment of those in prison
varies. Some are treated quite well, others not so well. However, those
others received special meals and videotapes were made of them that were
then shown on state television. Some were treated quite well from the
beginning, but some only for the  propaganda films.

 [Correspondent] The NLD now wants to present its own democratic draft
constitution, which will be fundamentally different from the military
rulers' version. This is likely to cause further conflict with the military
regime. What about your personal security, are you expecting to be
arrested?

 [Aung San Suu Kyi] We never think of whether we are going to be arrested
or not, because in Burma anyone can be arrested by the authorities at any
time. No, we are not frightened of arrest. Nobody who is frightened of
arrest can  work for democracy in Burma.

 [Correspondent] This week two U.S. Government envoys will make efforts
in several southeast Asian states to coordinate pressure on the regime in
Rangoon by the countries in the region. How do you see their chances of
success?

 [Aung San Suu Kyi] It is difficult to say. I cannot say. I think it is not
right
to make premature judgements of  such missions. I think one must just
wait to see what comes out.

 [Correspondent] Trade and tourism are often seen as the catalysts of
change in a totalitarian regime. Do you share this view?

 [Aung San Suu Kyi] I do not think you can take it for granted that foreign
trade and tourism equals change toward a more liberal regime. It is not
that simple as many other factors play a part. Therefore one should not
just assume that foreign trade and tourism are enough to turn a
nondemocratic regime into a democratic one.

 [Correspondent] How can democratic countries like Germany support the
struggle for freedom and democracy in Burma?

 [Aung San Suu Kyi] We believe in united international action. I think a
united international front is very important. It would be much more
effective than individual efforts by various countries. What we need is a
joint effort by all UN member states to bring about the implementation of
the UN General Assembly's Burma resolution. What we are striving for in
Burma is exactly what the UN General Assembly's Burma resolution
demands. Since this has been adopted unanimously by the General
Assembly, the international community does have a duty to try to
implement its terms.

 [Correspondent] Do you as laureate of the Nobel Peace Prize, the most
important distinction of the democratic West, feel let down by the West
sometimes?

 [Aung San Suu Kyi] I do not feel let down. We are always grateful for
international support, but we also know that eventually the struggle in our
country depends on our people. It is probably those people who are
listening in. [interference on telephone line]

 [Correspondent] Is there still hope for peaceful, democratic change in
Burma?

 [Aung San Suu Kyi] Well, I think there is always hope for a peaceful,
democratic change. But what I can tell you is that I am absolutely confident
that democracy will come to Burma sooner or later, and we hope sooner
rather than later.

 [Announcer] The Burmese opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize
laureate Aung San Suu Kyi this morning on Deutschlandfunk.

***********************************************************
THE NATION: BURMA POLICY 'NOT JUST CASH' AMNUAY INSISTS
June 13, 1996
The Nation, Agencies

FOREIGN Minister Amnuay Viravan yesterday defended Asean's
"constructive engagement" policy toward Burma, but denied that
Thailand was following it solely for economic reasons.

He said political and security cooperation are key factors for
Thailand and Asean's formulation and adoption of the policy.

Amnuay, also deputy prime minister said Thailand does not believe
that the Western approach of isolation and economic pressure
would be productive. "But that does not mean Thailand does not
want to see peace in Burma and the region," he said.

"Thailand will continue the constructive engagement policy but
not solely because of economic interests in its neighbour.
Thailand also takes into account political and security
cooperation, and that it why Burma will be invited to attend the
Asean Regional Forum (in mid-July in Jakarta), which will discuss
peace and stability in the region," he said.

He said every country has a different motivation behind its own
foreign policy towards Burma, and that it was not necessary for
Asean members to adopt similar stances as those of countries
afar, such as the United States.

Amnuay said the Burmese issue had not been included ion the
agenda of the Asean-Mekong Basin Development Cooperation in Kuala
Lumpur on June 17 and 18, but Asean foreign ministers might take
the opportunity to meet during that time to formulate a common
approach.

Before leaving for Kuala Lumpur, the foreign minister will hold a
meeting on Saturday with two American envoys - former ambassador
to Thailand William Brown and US security expert Stanley Roth -
who are touring Asean countries and Japan "to consult on
coordinated responses" towards Burma.

A Government House official said yesterday that so far Prime
Minister Banharn Slipa-archa was not scheduled to meet the two
envoys  sent by President Clinton.

National Security Council Chief Gen Charan Kulavanjaya shared
Amnuay's view by saying that the constructive engagement policy
was fruitful when it came to helping reduce internal conflict in
Burma, as well as improving the well-being of its people.

He said Thailand considered the growing political tension in
Burma as an internal matter that the Burmese people will have to
resolve themselves.

Thailand has taken a strong stand to support human rights and
democracy, but must also adhere to the constructive engagement
approach.

The two US envoys yesterday met Singapore's Prime Minister Goh
Chok Tong ad Foreign minister S Jaykumar to discuss the mounting
political tension in Burma, but no details of the discussion were
revealed.

"Both sides exchanged views on recent developments in Myanmar
(Burma)," Singapore foreign Affairs Ministry spokeswoman Tan Lian
Chew said, adding that the meeting lasted about 45 minutes.

The envoys met Philippine President Fidel Ramos on Tuesday, and
left Singapore for Malaysia on Wednesday. They are also planning
to meet officials in Indonesia and Thailand.

The American declined to speak to foreign or local media in
Singapore. (TN)

**********

THE NATION: ASEAN MUST ENGAGE BURMA'S OPPOSITION
June 13, 1996

ASEAN has once again its true colours with regard t the recent
developments in Burma. In the name of non-interference, Asean is
willing to forego norms and principles that have been crucial in
fostering regional cooperation through the grouping.

Sad to say, the regional grouping now has become anti-people-
ignoring the will of democracy-loving Burmese people - in support
of Burma's military junta.

Indonesia is the chairman of Asean this year and seems be in a
Catch 22 situation because of its blemished record of human
rights abuses and military repression in the country. Because of
this, it is difficult for Jakarta to do anything in Burma in
order to prevent the current situation prevailing there from
getting out of land.

DEMOCRACY AND PROSPERITY

Foreign Minister Ali Alatas was quick to point out that there was
no need to meet anyone or talk to any person on the issue of the
crackdown of Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD by the junta calling itself
the Slorc.

In other words, in the eyes of Asean, the atrocities that have
been going on in Burma over the past few months never took place.
It's the Asean concept of see no evil ad speak no evil.

Asean, nevertheless is in a position to help Burma attain
democracy and prosperity.

The fact that half of Asean are democratic states with burgeoning
economies should be a testimony to the common spirit of the
regional grouping. Coddling a military dictatorship and ignoring
the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people is anathema to
that spirit of Asean.

But somehow, none of the Asean member states are willing to
confront the Burmese junta directly.

When Thailand was a chairman of Asean in 1994, it was
instrumental in inviting Burma as a special guest to attend the
Asean foreign ministerial meeting in order to break Slorc's
isolation by the international community.

But at that time, because of pressure from Thai people groups,
Bangkok also delivered a strong message to the Burmese junta
national reconciliation with the NLD in order for peace and
prosperity to return to Burma.

May be other Asean states should take a cue from Thailand. During
the tenure of Chuan Leekpai as the country's premier, a team of
Nobel peace laureates visited the Thai-Burma border to express
their solidarity with Suu Kyi and to press for her release from
house arrest.

The visit, nevertheless caused an uproar in Rangoon but
Thailand's response was that it was in line with the country's
national policy of prompting democracy and freedom  - in
accordance with the May 1992 pro-democracy movement.

CONSTRUCTIVE ENGAGEMENT

And recently, Thailand again reiterated that constructive
engagement with Slorc must bring about national reconciliation in
Burma.

Why is the rest of Asean so allergic to Burma's pro-democracy
movement? And why are they so keen to keep on propping up the
military junta there?

Lest it loses its credibility in the eyes of the international
community and be stigmatised as an anti-people's organisation,
Asean must now seriously answer these questions.

It is oppression that will eventually lead the Burmese people on
to the streets to topple the authoritarian military rulers. If
Asean fails to constructively engage the pro-democracy movement,
the regional grouping will be at a lost in dealing with them
later when Burma is free. (TN)

**************

THE NATION: LEE'S COMMENTS 'AN INSULT TO BURMESE PEOPLE'

June 13, 1996

Agence France-Press

COMMENTS by Singapore's elder statesman, Lee Kuan Yew, that pro-
democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi may be unable to govern Burma
have been condemned as "an insult to the Burmese people" by
Burmese dissident students.

In an open letter to the 72-year-old Lee received yesterday, five
student groups demanded a public apology from the former
Singapore prime minister, who told journalists last Friday that
Burma's main opposition leader would be better off remaining a
political symbol and leaving the military to  govern.

"The support for her by the people was clearly expressed in the
1990 election and is evident now in the increasingly growing
gatherings in front of her residence," the letter said.

The signatories, including the ABSDF and other groups formed on
the Thai-Burma border following a military clampdown against pro-
democrats in 1988, asked Lee to "recognise the crucial importance
to her active participation in politics."

The letter described Lee's comments as a "preposterous
contradiction", voicing his opinion about Suu Kyi, while the
Singapore government "is saying they do not want to interfere in
Burma's affairs."

It also criticised Singapore and its partners in Asean for their
constructive engagement stance on Burma, which advocates
increased economic contact as the means to democracy and non-
interference in the internal affairs of other countries.

"Several countries including Singapore are turning a blind eye to
human rights abuses in Burma, perpetrated by the Slorc," the
letter said.

It called on Singapore to end trade with Burma and stop alleged
arms sales to the Slorc.

"We would like you (Lee) to "interfere" in the situation of Burma
by pressuring Slorc to begin genuine political dialogue with Aung
San Suu Kyi immediately," it said.

Lee had said that the only possible instrument of government in
Burma was the military, and that without its control the country
could collapse "like Bosnia."

REUTER Reports from Rangoon: Two more elected representatives of
Suu Kyi's NLD have resigned from the opposition party, bringing
the total of recent resignations to seven, Burmese official media
said yesterday.

Sein Maung and Han Tha Myint, both NLD members elected as
representatives in the 1990 general election, submitted their
resignations saying they no longer wanted a role in party
politics, state-run newspaper said.

The newspaper said the resignation were accepted by the
Multiparty Democracy General Election Commission, which was in
charge of the 1990 election that the NLD won by a land-slide.

The resignations come following weeks of rumours that many NLD
members may step down.

More than 250 members, most of them elected representatives, were
arrested in a mid-May crackdown on democracy politicians ahead of
a controversial party congress.

The Slorc said it had not arrested the NLD members, but only
detained them for questioning to avoid "anarchy" that might have
resulted from the congress.

Suu Kyi said afterwards some of them had been forced to sign
letters promising they would quit the party.

Separately, the government continued its attack on Suu Kyi in
state-run newspapers, urging her in a commentary to go back to
England and leave the fight for democracy.

"It is time Ma Suu to understand the attitude and the real desire
of the Myanmar (Burmese) public," a commentary said, referring to
Suu Kyi in a disrespectful manner. "If so she should abandon the
existing ways of her being under foreign influence to cause
disintegration of the state and to return peacefully to her
family in London."

"Ma Suu please go back. Democracy does not mean power."

ASSOCIATED Press reports from Boston: Massachusetts may become
the first US state to ban government purchases from firm that do
business with Burma.

The move is mostly symbolic - Massachusetts buys only about US$1
million (Bt 25 milion) a year in goods and services from these
companies. But the sponsor of the proposal says it will make a
statement against the Burmese military junta.

"The immediate thing that's going to happen is that pro-democracy
people, their morale will increase in Burma," said the measure's
sponsor, state Rep Byron Rushing, a well known Democrats from
Boston's South End section.

"They'll know they're being heard. Then hopefully other
municipalities and states will follow suit." (TN)

*************

THE NATION: CHAIWAT TO WITNESS MoU SIGNING IN BURMA

June 13, 1996

INDUSTRY Minister Chaiwat Sinsuwong will visit Burma from June 17
to 19 to witness the signing of a memorandum of understanding
between the Petroleum Authority of Thailand and the Yetagun gas
field developers led by US-based Taxaco.

The MoU, to be signed in Rangoon on June 17, will pave the way
for Thailand's second natural gas import contract with its
western neighbour. PTT Exploration and production Plc will also
open its first Burmese office in Rangoon on June 19.

PTTEP said earlier that will purchase up to 250 million cubic
feet from 1999. The gas will be imported through a new pipeline
which will be constructed to connect with the pipeline planned
for the Yadana gas project at the Thai-Burmese border. (TN)

****************

THE NATION: PUT THE PRESSURE ON SLORC

June 13, 1996

VITIT MUNTARBHORN

Defying the military regime, alias the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc), in Burma has for long been a
perilous affair. However, the recent more open and audacious role
of the democratic movement in that country deserves all the
international community can muster for the sake of justice, peace
and democracy.

It is worth recalling that in 1990 the elections in Burma were an
unquestionable vote for return to democratic rule, under the
leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi. However, that victory was stolen
from the people by Slorc. The latter refused to yield to the
democratically elected representatives of the people. Instead, it
persecuted them, perpetuated its rule with an iron fist, reaped
economic rewards for itself, and kept Suu Kyi under arrest for
half a decade.

Although Suu Kyi was released last year, Slorc has played a cat-
and-mouse game since then. It has not re-arrested her despite her
recent stand in questioning its rule. Yet, it has tried to
undercut her power by drafting a constitution that will bar her
participation in the government of the country due to her
marriage to a foreigner.

On another front, it has tolerated, to some extent, the move by
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) to hold its
congress. However, in the process, it has imprisoned many of the
leaders of the NLD and has uttered numerous threats to clamp down
on the movement. The most recent threat was that of last week.
Slorc introduced a new law to imprison anyone who acts or spreads
information in order to undermine the stability of the state,
community peace and tranquility and prevalence of law and order.

Despite the new law, the democratic movement has persisted in
holding its rallies. Will there be a reaction from Slorc soon? It
is an ominous game of wait-and-see.

International observers should not stand idly by. For too long,
Slorc has flouted the rulers of international law and has ignored
international appeals on behalf of the Burmese people.

The basic principles for international with Burma are outlined
annually by various UN reports and resolutions, especially in the
UN General Assembly and the UN Human Rights Commission adopted a
resolution which provided an up-to-date appraisal of the
situation in Burma and the response required from Slorc. This has
yet to be heeded by its neighbours, near and far.

Clearly massive human rights violations are still taking place
daily due to Slorc. As the most recent UN resolution observers,
it is "gravely concerned at the violation of human rights in
Myanmar, which remain extremely serious, in particular the
practice of torture, summary and arbitrary executions, forced
labour, including forced portering for the military, abuses of
women, politically motivated arrests and detention, forced
displacement of the population, the existence of important
restrictions on the exercise of fundamental freedoms, including
the freedom of expression and association, and the imposition of
oppressive measures directed, in particular at ethnic and
religious minority groups."

The resolution's stipulations - the world's conscience and voice
- addressed to Slorc include the following.
1. Release immediately and unconditionality all detained
political prisoners;
2. Allow Suu Kyi freedom of movement and open immediately a
substantial political dialogue with her and with other political
leaders aimed at national reconciliation;
3. Take all necessary measures to guarantee democracy in full
accordance with the will of the people as expressed in the
democratic elections of 1990;
4. Allow all citizens to participate freely in the political
process, in accordance with the 1984 Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, and accelerate the process of transition to
democracy;
5. Respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, in particular
the freedom of expression and opinion, the right of association
and assembly, and the rights of persons belonging to minority
groups:
6. Terminate the impunity of human rights violation; standards of
a fair trial and due process of law;
7. Facilitate the voluntary repatriation of refugees and their
reintegration;
8. Allow international organisations to have access to prisoners;
9. Train military personnel and other law enforces on
international humanitarian law;
10. Ensure that UN representatives have free access to all
persons, including Suu Kyi.

The 1996 resolution also questions the National Convention
established by Slorc (which has been allotted the task of
drafting a new constitution) in noting that "one of the
objectives of the Convention is to maintain the participation of
the armed forces (tatmadaw) in a leading role in the political
life of the state 'and that' the Convention does not appear to
constitute  the necessary steps towards the restoration of
democracy".

It can thus be implied that the Slorc-initiated Convention is
illegitimate, since it is not founded upon  the will of the
people as expressed in the 1990 elections. By contrast, the NLD's
recent proposal to draft a national constitution is to be
welcomed, as it was accorded the mandate to do so in 1990.

Intriguingly, several Asean countries - Burma's neighbours - are
full members of the UN Human Rights Commission and should abide
by the resolutions of the Commission. Yet, Asean's long-standing
constructive engagement policy towards Slorc is based upon a
hands-off policy which classifies the conduct of Slorc as merely
an international matter rather than an international concern.
This flies in the face of the UN position. In particular, the UN
Human Rights Commission views the case of Burma as an
international issue, and its 1996 resolution is replete with
various international principles and recommendations as a basis
for action towards Burma.

It is high time to implement that which has already been espoused
by the UN and the global community. For Slorc, this demands
immediate respect for the results of the 1990 elections,
reversion to democracy and adherence to human rights. For those
in its proximity, so near yet so far, good neighbourliness based
upon universalism rather than parochialism favours a more
assertive policy to pressure Slorc to cede power to the Burmese
people.

Asean must act as mediators if required, and expedite the process
of national reconciliation, with independent monitoring and
international guarantees. (TN)

Vitit Muntarborn is a professor at the Faculty of Law,
Chulalongkorn University. He is also the executive director of
Child Rights Asianet.

*******************

BKK POST: TWO FRONTIER PASSES WITH BURMA OPENED

June 13, 1996

Mae Hong Son

TWO border passes connecting this northern border province with
Burma will be opened on July 2 to revive trading.

The passes are to be opened at Ban Huay Pueng in Tambon Huay Pha,
about 40 kilometres north of the town, and at Ban Sao Hin in
Tambon Mae Khong. Mae Sariang, about 180 kilometres south,
according to Governor Somjet Viriyadamrong.

The provincial administration earlier asked the Interior Ministry
to reopen six border passes at Ban Huay Pueng, Ban Nam Piang Din,
Huay Ton Noon, Ban Sao Hin, ban Mae Sam Lab, and Ban Mai Lan.

The Third Army Region has ordered those border passes closed
since July 15, 1994 due to fighting inside Burma. (BP)

******************

BKK POST: BURMA DICTATORS MUST TRY RECONCILIATION

June 13, 1996

THE continuing effort by the Burmese regime to intimidate the
legitimate political opposition is both discouraging and
troubling. The tension within Rangoon is as unnecessary as it
senseless. The offensively racist attacks on demean the generals,
not their target. No criticism of the State law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc) could belittle it as much as the
junta's own actions. The rulers in Rangoon may yet succeed in
their campaign to oppress pro-democracy advocates. But their
campaign will destroy even the last shreds of respect for the
regime.

The Burmese regime appears genuinely frightened of Suu Kyi and
the ever-growing movement for freedom. No other explanation seems
possible for the latest outrage. In a city where all media are
under strict government control, the junta erected 10-metre
billboards to "advertise" their campaign for violent
dictatorship. They denounced her as a foreign stooge. She was
described as the puppet of those infamous "outside influences"
which totalitarians always blame when their people show a thirst
for freedom.

The boot-licking Burmese TV, radio and newspapers run for the
generals' pleasure had attacked Suu Kyi this way before. The new
billboards were pointedly placed outside the home of Suu Kyi, as
well as the US Embassy. In one way, they simply lowered the
reputation of Slorc. The Rangoon junta never has shown shame for
killing, torturing, jailing or libelling its political
opposition.

In another way, the billboards provided more heat to a debate
Slorc seems determined to end, once again, by its repulsive
violence. It seized power over the bodies of hundreds of dead
pro-democracy advocates in 1988. The regime obviously feels it
can maintain power by similar brutality. This stance - and not
the pro-democracy movement personified by Suu Kyi - is at the
core of Burma's problem.

Despite the Slorc slanders, those outside Burma have never
attempted to dictate the form of government for Rangoon. That is
a matter for Burmese to decide. So, too, are the leaders of the
country a matter which can only be decided by the people of
Burma. What the junta members are patently unable to see is that
they alone do not constitute the population.

Last weekend, the regime threatened to arrest - or worse - anyone
attending an unapproved political rally. The result was that a
record number of Burmese, an estimated 10,000, attended the
weekly rally at Suu Kyi's home. They called for negotiations with
the government. They suggested alternatives to the new
constitution rammed through by Slorc toadies. They rejected
violence or revolution. They gathered, met, and disbanded
peacefully.

The regime's reaction was more threats and more racist attacks on
Suu Kyi. This must trouble everyone, most especially the friends
and neighbours of Burma. It is too often forgotten, conveniently,
that Slorc once asked the Burmese people to choose its leaders.
When they did choose Suu Kyi and her supporters, the regime
arrested most of the winners.

It is difficult for non-Burmese to know how to react to the
uncivilised behaviour of the military regime. The US and Japan
are seeking a response. Thailand and its Asean allies
unfortunately appear to side with the regime. It is easy to say
that the insistence by Asean on pursuing its policy of
"constructive engagement" is wrong-headed. It is a different
matter to show the necessary contempt for Rangoon without
threatening that regime. Even the US has faced a similar problem
with China, another undemocratic and often violent government.

Thai diplomacy has tried to keep an observer's foot in the pro-
democracy camp. This at least shows our government is aware that
the Thai people oppose Slorc's violence. Our diplomats face a
difficult task in balancing sympathy for Suu Kyi. They will meet
special US envoys on Burma shortly. We are confident our
diplomats will be able to explain Thai policy to them.

Our diplomatic policy must also take into account Thailand's own
fervent support for democracy. Like other nations, we must urge
the Rangoon government to talk with its opponents. The obvious
way to settle Burma's problems are through negotiations.
Political differences of opinion are not dangerous in Burma. On
the contrary, they are sign of health and a population concerned
about the future. The Burmese dictatorship only risks the country
if it believes otherwise. (BP)

*********************************************************

ANNOUNCEMENT: RE: MASSACHUSETTS BURMA BILL (H2833)
- WILL BE ON GOVERNOR  WELD'S DESK, JUNE 13
From: Simon Billenness <simon_billenness@cybercom.net>
June 12, 1996

Just as Rep. Byron Rushing predicted, the Burma bill (H2833) will indeed
land on Governor Weld's desk on Thursday, June 13.

The Boston Herald ran a rather dumb lead editorial describing the Burma bill
as a "feel-good symbolic gesture" that is "a distraction from the state's
real business."  At the Thursday Massachusetts Burma Roundtable, I will have
a draft letter of response to the Herald that people can sign on to.

Watch out for stories tomorrow (June 13) by the Boston Globe AND the Boston
Herald focusing on the Burma bill's impact on the upcoming US Senate race
between Governor Weld and Senator John Kerry.

CONTINUE TO FAX AND CALL GOVERNOR WELD (NOTE NEW FAX NUMBER!)

Governor William Weld
State House
Commonwealth of Massachusetts
Boston, MA 02133-1053

(617) 727-3600 phone
(617) 727-9731 NEW working fax number
(617) 727-9725 old soon to be repaired fax number

