-------------------------- BurmaNet -------------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------------------------


The BurmaNet News: July 9, 1996 
Issue #462

Noted in Passing:
                           We believe we shall have democracy because the
people 
                of Burma want democracy and they deserve it and they 
                know how to cope with it.(see: DASSK: SPEECH ON 
                JULY 6)

HEADLINES:
==========
DAASK: LETTER FROM BURMA #33
DASSK: SPEECH ON JULY 6
STATEMENT:  US STATE DEPT. BRIEFING, JULY 3, 1996
DAGBLADET: NORDIC BURMA INITIATIVES
REUTER: DEMOCRATIZATION OF BURMA
BKK POST: BURMA SELLS $1.4M WORTH OF RAW JADE
BKK POST: THAIS ABLE TO VISIT HO MONG IN SHAN STATE
BKK POST: AN OPEN LETTER TO 'DEMOCRATS'
BKK POST: TRAWLERS A LUCRATIVE CATCH FOR PIRATES
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

DAASK: LETTER FROM BURMA #33
July 8, 1996 (Mainichi Daily News) 
From: Carol Schlenker & Aung Thu <carol@gol.com>

POLITICAL STRUGGLE IS THE TRUE TEST OF FRIENDSHIP
"A friend in need"

Many indeed are the uses of adversity, and one of the most valuable is the
unique opportunities it offers for discovering little-known aspects of the
human society in which we live.  The experience gained by those of us who
have borne the full force of state persecution is not always comfortable,
but it is very enriching.  Injustice and cruelty are transformed from the
ingredients of a ripping drama to the hazards of everyday existence.

Once poetic concepts such as villainy and honor, cowardice and heroism,
become common currency; the stuff of epics is lived through from day to day.
Duplicity and treachery cease to be merely the vivid creations of
imaginative writers and become instead the trappings of familiars who have
basked in one's affections and partaken freely of one's goodwill.  The kiss
of Judas is no longer just a metaphor, it is the repeated touch of cool
perfidity on one's cheek.  Those once held in trust and esteem show
themselves capable of infinite self-deception as they seek to deceive
others.  Spines ostensibly made of steel soften and bend like wax in the
heat of a high Burmese summer.

But man stripped of all props except that of his spirit is astounding not
only in the depths he is capable of plumbing, but also the heights that he
can scale.  An individual who appears weak turns out to possess adamantine
qualities.  The easy-going "featherweight" demonstrates a solid capacity for
self-sacrifice and integrity.

The most indifferent seeming character unexpectedly proves to be a fountain
of warmth and kindness; a caring, meticulous nursemaid to those suffering
physical pain or mental anguish.  The glaring light of adversity reveals all
the rainbow hues of the human character and brings out the true colors of
people, particularly those who purport to be your friends.

There is an anthology of pithy sayings, the /Lokaniti/, which has
traditionally been regarded in Burma as a guide to prudent behavior.  It is
a combination of shrewd observations and moral principles intended to help
us negotiate the pitfalls of worldly existence.  The section of the /niti/
devoted to friendship displays a fair degree of cynicism: "In poverty, a
friend forsakes you; son, and wife, and brothers too forsake you: Wealth in
this world is a great friend."  Then there is a definition of friendship
which would set those who have run the gamut of the vicissitudes of
political struggle in Burma nodding their heads vigorously in agreement:
"The friends who stand by you in severe ailment, in time of scarcity, or in
misfortune, when captured by an enemy, at the a king's door, or in the
charnel-house, they indeed are good friends."

During the hectic days of late May and early June, when a series of
critical political events were triggered off by the arrests of the members
of the National League for Democracy (NLD), a stream of foreign
correspondents came to find out how we were coping with the situation.  A
number of them commented on the fact that we did not appear to be unhappy.
"U Tin U is smiling broadly and U Kyi Maung is cracking jokes," one said.
"Why are you not in a state of distress?  Isn't the situation rather grim?"

I suppose the situation could have been seen as grim by some, but to us, it
was just another challenge; and the knowledge that we were facing it
together with proven friends was ample reason for good cheer.

A doctor once recommended thinking happy thoughts as a most effective
remedy for diverse illnesses.  Certainty one of the happiest of thoughts is
of one's friends: old friends with whom you have shared youthful dreams of
an ideal world, new friends with whom you are striving to achieve a
realistic version of that ideal.  It is comforting to know that friends you
have not met for several decades, leading secure lives in countries where
their rights are protected by law, care as much for your welfare now as they
did in the days when the Beatles were young and you argued over Dag
Hammarskjold's /Markings/.  Friends telephone across continents and oceans
to find out how I am and to exchange news.

We never talk about anything world shaking, never discuss anything out of
the ordinary, we just make conventional inquiries about each other's health
and families and a few light hearted remarks about the current situation.
But each unimportant conversation is a solemn confirmation of friendship. I
have a friend who, if I happen to be too busy to take the call, leaves a
simple message: "Tell her I called."  It is enough to dissolve all the cares
of the day.

According to the teachings of Buddhism, a good friend is one who gives
things hard to give, does what is hard, bears with hard words, tells you his
secrets, guards your secrets assiduously, does not forsake you in times of
want and does not condemn you when you are ruined.

With such friends, one can travel the roughest road and not be defeated by
hardship.  Indeed, the rougher the path, the greater the delight in the
company of /kalyanamitta/, good and noble friends who stand by us in times
of adversity.

**********************************************************

ASSK: SPEECH ON JULY 6
July 6, 1996
From: <strider@igc.apc.org>

(The following is the exact transcription of ASSK's concluding remarks -- in
English -- at the 4pm rally on Sat, July 6.)

"I've been asked to explain in English what we have been talking about 
at this meeting.  To begin with, I have answered questions which have 
come up from the audience here.

"Some of the questions refered to the state of education in Burma, the 
way in which in many schools the children -- rather the parents of 
students -- are forced to give donations to the school and are forced 
to attend extra sessions in lieu of tuition.

"The education system in Burma is so poor that children have to take 
tuition (tutoring) outside the class in order to cover the whole syllabus.

"We do not think this is the way to develop high education standards in our
country.  And also, this is discrimination against poor people who cannot
afford tuition (tutoring) fees.

"There was also a question about new houses that have been built in Mandalay.
I was asked . . . According to this letter, some houses cost about 1,000 lakhs
(roughly $800,000) and these have been built by civil servants who earn 2,000
kyat a month.  So, I was asked the question: 'How long would those people have
to save up in order to afford a house like that?'  And the answer is:  they
would have to save their whole salary for 50,000 months in order to build a
house like that.  (applause)  So we think there is something wrong with the
system when civil servants can afford to buy houses that will cost them 50,000
months' salary.  (laughter from crowd)

"And in the end I gave a short talk on Bosnia because there are some people
who have been saying that Burma is like Bosnia.  This way they cannot give
democracy to Burma -- in case the whole country collapses.

"My argument is that it is an insult to the people of Burma to compare it to
Bosnia.  (applause)  We are not like Bosnia, and in any case, the main reason
for the trouble in Bosnia is not that there was too much freedom, but because
for too long the government was far too repressive and also the fact that due
to successive repressive governments over long years of history, Bosnia has
ended up in the state it is now today.

"We believe we shall have democracy because the people of Burma want 
democracy and they deserve it and they know how to cope with it.  
It is not new to our country.  We have had it before and we shall have 
it again.  (applause)

"That is the gist of my speech."

***********************************************************

TRANSCRIPT:  US STATE DEPT. BRIEFING, JULY 3, 1996
July 3, 1996
From: John Scherb <mcs@primenet.com>

Spokesman Nick Burns briefed.

Q: And just another question on Burma. Last Friday, Mickey Kantor was
in Thailand, and he was asked about Senator McConnell's bill that
would end US investment in Burma, and he made some comments that
sounded a bit more closer to supporting the bill, such as, "We feel
Burma is a place where sanctions would be effective." I know that Mr.
Wiedemann testified about a month ago about the Department's position
on the bill, but has there been any change in that position?

BURNS: We've had very good discussions with the principal sponsors of
the legislation, including Senator McConnell. I think we see eye to
eye on the need to increase pressure on the SLORC, on the dictators
who rule Burma. The Administration believes, however, that our
diplomacy might be more effective should we have the freedom to decide
on, an Executive Branch basis, when those punitive measures should be
taken. We would not like to see a bill emerge in final form that would
dictate the time and nature of those sanctions. We believe that we
ought to -- the Executive Branch, the President, who the Constitution
gives authority to in this area -- have the ability to decide those
tactical questions. I think, strategically, we do agree with the
Congress.

********************************************************

DAGBLADET: NORDIC BURMA INITIATIVES
July 8, 1996
From: H K Kulxy <hkk@sn.no>
(Translation of editorial in Dagbladet, one of Norway's largest
daily newspapers)

INCREASED PRESSURE ON BURMA

The arrest of the honorary Norwegian consul in Burma, Leo
Nichols, and his subsequent death under highly unclear
circumstances while in solitary confinement, has resulted in
more damage tho the military regime than they could have
anticipated. Japan has suspended aid. The US Congress will
shortly probably pass some kind of trade sanction measures.
Signals from Washington indicate these measures can be strict.
 
The Nordic Burma Council, which consists of support
comittees in the five Noirdic countries, have in a joint
letter to the countries' Prime Ministers proposed a number of
measures intended to clarify the circumstances around Nichols'
death and put economic and political pressure on the military
junta. The Burma Council demands that a fast-working, high
level international comittee investigate the political,
judicial and medical circumstances around the death [of Mr
Nichols]. 

Further, it is requested that support be given to the Danish
initiative for a joint EU boycot of the military regime; that 
a boycott also be pursued through the UN system and that
pressure be put on Japan and ASEAN for trade sanctions.
Intitially, a joint Nordic trade boycott of Burma and the
multinational companies with extensive activities in that
country is requested. Further pressure should also be applied
through the UN by requesting that Secretary General Butros-
Ghali edxplains what measures he has taken after the General
Assembly gave him a mandate "to assist the democratization
process in Burma and to work for national reconsiliation."
**Gro Harlem Brundtland and her Nordic colleagues are also on
a number of other well defined areas asked to take action. It
will, with honour, serve themselves, our countries and not
least of all the general cause of human rights, if this
request be followed up by required political measures.

*******************************************************

REUTER: DEMOCRATIZATION OF BURMA
July 7, 1996
From: ktint@earthlink.net (Kyaw Tint)

    RANGOON, A year of freedom appears to have brought opposition 
leader Aung San Suu Kyi no closer to her dream of ending military rule
and restoring democracy in Burma.
     But while the ruling military body, the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC), is far from getting everything its own way,
its grip on power looks as tight as ever.
     The SLORC's attempts to marginalise and discredit the hugely popular
daughter of Burma's national hero, General Aung San, have failed. Instead,
it is facing a mounting chorus of international condemnation for its
heavy-handed rule.
     Criticism of the SLORC, from Western governments in particular,
increased in May after a crackdown on Suu Kyi's party in which more than
250 members were detained.
     Condemnation intensified following the death in custody in June of Leo
Nichols, a former honorary consul for several European countries and
godfather and close friend of Suu Kyi's.

     But although the SLORC has its difficulties, it remains firmly in
control and the likelihood of Suu Kyi and the democracy movement bringing
35 years of military rule to an end seem as remote now as ever, political
analysts said.
     "The SLORC holds all the cards, but she has the legitimacy and the
moral support, both inside and outside the country," said one diplomat.
     "But she's not going to be able to remove the SLORC. On her part, it's
a matter of keeping the world focused on the country, and on her," the
diplomat said.
     Suu Kyi emerged from six years' house arrest on July 10 last year,
unbowed and determined to restore democracy, but under no illusion the task
would be easy.
     She said talks on political reform between the ruling military and the
pro-democracy and ethnic minority opposition were the only way forward.
     "We have to choose between dialogue and utter devastation," she told
reporters the day after her release.
     But the SLORC ignored her calls for dialogue. In November, Suu Kyi
upped the stakes by pulling her National League for Democracy (NLD) out of
the government convention that is drafting the guidelines of a new,
pro-military constitution.
     The move prompted a barrage of slurs in the state-run media and
suggestions that she was a traitor acting at the behest of colonialists.
She was also warned of "annihilation."
     Undaunted, Suu Kyi pressed ahead. In May she called a meeting of her
NLD, its first full congress since its 1990 election win that the SLORC
never recognised.
     The SLORC responded with a sweeping crackdown against the NLD,
detaining more than 250 of those planning to attend the congress.
     Despite the NLD's depleted ranks, Suu Kyi went ahead with the meeting
and a revitalised, confident party emerged from the three days of talks.
     "Her greatest achievement has been to make the NLD behave like a real
party, a real opposition, with its own platform and alternative polices,"
said another diplomat.
     Then Suu Kyi again raised the stakes, announcing that the party
leadership would draw up an alternative constitution to rival the charter
being prepared by the SLORC's convention.
     The SLORC's response was unequivocal.
     It introduced a sweeping new law on June 7 that provides for up to 20
years in prison for anyone opposing its constitutional convention or
drafting their own charter.
     But with Suu Kyi and the SLORC apparently set for a showdown, both
sides moved back from the brink.
     Suu Kyi toned down criticism of the SLORC and did not bring up her
charter plans in speeches to supporters outside her home, while the
generals let her continue the weekly addresses, her only regular
communication with the public.
     "Both sides realise they are close to a situation that, if they're
really stubborn, it is going to get dangerous," one diplomat said.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SUU KYI IS LEADING PARTY OUT OF LIMBO -  July 8, 1996
(added)
The NLD's party congress resolved to draft an alternative constitution, 
forcing the Slorc to enact the new laws _ ostensibly to ``protect'' its 
constitutional convention, under which the military will be guaranteed a 
leading role in future civilian governments. 

*********************************************************

BKK POST: BURMA SELLS $1.4M WORTH OF RAW JADE
July 8, 1996

RANGOON - Local and foreign merchants bought $1.4 million (Bt34.3
million) worth of raw jade from the Burmese government during a
three-day sale, the state-run New Light of Myanmar said Saturday.

Altogether, 222 out of 750 lots of raw jade put up for bidding by
Myanmar Gems Enterprises, a state enterprise, were bought by 103
foreign and 27 local merchants. A few of the lots were sold by
foreign joint ventures and private individuals.

The New Light of Myanmar also reported the signing of an
agreement for prospecting gold, copper and platinum between Atina
Times Square Ltd of Thailand and Burma's Ministry of Mines.
     
Burma, which its military government has renamed Myanmar, is rich
in gems and minerals resources, most of which remained untapped
during 26 years of socialist isolationism that ended in 1988.

Rubies and sapphires are plentiful in Burma, and large deposits
of jade are found in Kachin State, a province near the border
with China.

**********************************************************

BKK POST: THAIS ABLE TO VISIT HO MONG IN SHAN STATE
July 7, 1996

THAI citizens can visit Ho Mong town in Burma's Shan State
through two border checkpoints which were opened this month.

Pol Capt Paithoon Raklieu, chief of the Mae Hong Son Immigration
Office, said Burmese immigration officials were ready to issue
permits to Thais wanting to visit Ho Mong, former headquarters of
drug warlord Khun Sa.

The Burmese military in Ban Na Mon. led by Maj Khin Maung, had
told the Mae Hong Son office Thais would be charged an entry fee
of 20 baht each. Each car entering Burma would be charged 25
baht.

Permits were valid for a day and visitors could stay for a maximum of 
three days. Pol Capt Pai thoon said t he Thai -Burmese Border Committee 
had agreed to:
Open the Ban Huay Peung checkpoint from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. daily. It took 
effect on Tuesday.

Allow trade in essential consumer goods.

Permit Burmese to stay in Thailand for a day. They could
extend their stay for a maximum of three days.

Require Burmese entering and leaving Mae Hong Son town to
use only the Ban Huay Peung-Thung Ma San Highway and Highway No.
1095.
Hotels and lodging houses must inform the authorities of any
foreign guests within a day of their arrival.

*****************************************************************

BKK POST: AN OPEN LETTER TO 'DEMOCRATS'
July 7, 1996

SIR : Your articles on Burma caught my attention (Sunday
Perspective, June 16,) particularly relating to Mr Lee Kuan Yew's
remarks about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

"Free expression" is a basic tenet in a democracy. Burmese
democrats should not get too worked up and give knee-jerk
responses to Mr Lee's remarks.

I detect a lot of sarcasm in Mr Tin's and the various Burmese
students' responses. While sarcasm may be colorful to read on
print, I doubt if it scores well with matured decision-makers in
governments and businesses whose support the democrats also seek.

If the democrats aspire to a democratic Burmese society, they
should learn quickly to live with a certain degree of freedom of
expression they now experience outside of Burma.

It is a pity that Mr Tin and the Burmese students chose to focus
their attention almost entirely on Mr Lee's remark that Daw Suu
Kyi may be better off as a "political symbol". I think they all
miss the whole point of Mr Lee's reply to the reporter's
question: it is that there is at prevent no viable apparatus of
governments to run Burma other than the military.

Those democrats living outside Burma must surely have access to
reports on the demise/hardships of the Soviet Union (in the name
of democracy) and the war and status quo of Yugoslavia. Do they
honestly want their people to go through the same suffering in
the name of democracy? Is there not a better way?

Mr Lee was also advising the democrats to focus on getting ready
a framework to govern even as they struggle to eliminate the role
of the military.

Personally, I support and hope for the day when Burma will be
run. by an elected government which is freely and fairly elected
by the people; where vote-buying and strong arm tactics of
political candidates do not exist. I'm all for human rights for
the people.

As for democracy, the Burmese must themselves look to their own
history, their own aspirations and their own goals as a nation
and cull lessons from those countries around them to arrive at
their own comfort level of democracy.

Where my kids are growing up is in an environment of peace,
justice and prosperity regardless of race or religion. I'm not a
member of a political party, just a citizen fortunate enough to
be able to speak out freely. Come see for yourselves what makes
Singapore tick; I hope that it may just be of some help to you on
the road to democracy.

Law Kid Wee
Singapore

*********************************************************

BKK POST: TRAWLERS A LUCRATIVE CATCH FOR PIRATES
July 6, 1996

THAI fishermen are in troubled waters.They have had to look to 
neighbouring countries as they struggle to get healthy catches.
For a long time, Burma has been the pot of gold for many Thai 
fishermen. But it has come with a price the fear of pirates.

Many of them are small-time pirates who operate under the
umbrella of nationalist movements led by Burma's minority groups,
such as the Arakanese, Karens and even dissident students.

The pirates' domain stretches from Moulmein, Mergui and Tavoy
down to St Matthew Island opposite Ranong. They reportedly charge 
Thai trawlers a protection fee of up to 200,000 baht each.

If a boat is seized, it can cost from 150,000 to a million baht to get it 
released. It has been claimed that some Thais have written letters in the
Karen language demanding protection money from Thai fishermen.

They work for groups including the "Dow Daeng", better known as
the DPA. During the past month, Ranong police arrested five Burmese
believed to be connected to the piracy operation. 

An investigation found that the five were pirates but not members
of the minority groups.

Big quantities of firearms and ammunition were found in their
possession and in a bush near a fishing dock.

Pol Col Kraisorn Amornkraisri, chief of Ranong police
headquarters, said the weapons were destined for pirates who paid
higher than market prices.

For example, an M-76 grenade can sell for as much as 500 baht.

Police said tracing the weapons' origins was not difficult
because they had serial numbers.

The piracy problem, which poses a big threat to Thailand's
fishing industry, has intensified since January.

Police have confirmed reports that 15 gangs, each with about 20
members, are operating off Ranong and nearby waters.

Most use high-speed boats and their dens are believed to be on St
Matthew Island.

Col Tharit Sunthorn, head of the Thai-Burma Border Coordinating
Committee, said authorities often could not do much to tackle
piracy because it occurred mainly in Burmese territory.

The Royal Thai Navy had taken every possible step to protect the
fishermen and safeguard their interests, he said.

The committee had not discussed the piracy problem because it was
considered a Burmese internal matter.

Col Tharit said there were I conflicting interpretations of the
terms, Exclusive Territorial Water and Territorial Water.

Fishing operators of both countries should be extra cautious to
prevent any conflict.

He said Thailand still had warm relations with Burma despite the
occasional fishing dispute.

Many Thai fishermen had no choice but to encroach into Burmese
waters where marine life was more plentiful.

The fishing ban on Thai trawlers meant the fishermen risked being
arrested or shot at by Burmese authorities.

It is believed that some Thai fishermen, hoping to escape arrest,
have bribed Burmese naval patrols to change their routes.

To avoid the risks and legal complications, many operators have
re-registered their trawlers with countries which had Burmese
fishing concessions.

Surveys show that about 300 Thai fishing boats are working under
the flags of foreign companies including TBE of Honduras, a
Singapore company called Inter and Burmese-based Hongsawadi.

Burmese authorities also have hired Thai boats caught poaching to
carry out fishing activities for up to 300,000 baht a month.

But there has been a drastic increase in the. number of illegal
fishing boats in Burmese waters.

Estimates put the number as high as 1,000.

A source at the Ranong dock said Thai fishermen now journeyed as
far away as Bangladesh and India.

But fishing in Indian waters was not very lucrative
because of the tough conditions and the distance.

Prospects in Bangladesh were brighter because the fishermen had
concluded a deal with local businessmen, who would export the
catch after it was taken to shore.

But Bangladesh's narrow shoreline meant the size of the catches
were small compared to catches from Burmese waters.

Despite the problems, Burma remains an- attractive choice.

The stakes are high but the rewards are more than attractive. a
single fishing trip to Burma can net the operator as much as a
million baht.