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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: September 24, 1996
Issue #521

Noted in Passing: 
                
                The spectacle of the process of law bounding away from
                accepted norms of justice is very ugly at all times
                - DASSK (see: DASSK: LETTER FROM BURMA #42)

HEADLINES:
==========
DASSK: LETTER FROM BURMA #42 
NATION: JUNTA ARRESTS NINE YOUTHS, DISTRIBUTING PAMPHLETS
FBC: DAW SUU'S FREE BURMA FAST SPEECH
BURMANET: NEWS INSIDE BURMA
BKK POST: CONSENSUS URGED ON ASEAN ROLE
BKK POST: MANDALAY AIRPORT LOAN GETS AMNUAY BACKING
BKK POST: CASINOS NEAR BORDER SPARK DEEP CONCERN
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH : PROTECTION FOR MUSLIM REFUGEES
ANNOUNCEMENT: PRESS CONFERENCE AT HOUSE TRIANGLE
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
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DASSK: LETTER FROM BURMA #42 
September 23, 1996 (Mainichi Daily News)
From: Carol Schlenker & Aung Thu <carol@gol.com>

BURMA'S GOV'T LEAPS OVER LEGAL PROCESS
"Misrule of Law"

As I understand it, a kangaroo court is so called because it is a burlesque
performance where the process of the law takes heart-stopping leaps and
bounds.  Out of curiosity, I looked up the entry on kangaroos in the
Encyclopedia Britannica to see how far these marsupial mammals can clear in
a leap.  Apparently the record is 13.5 meters.  This is far superior to the
Olympics long jump record.  It is no surprise then that the erratic course
of justice in a kangaroo court is outside the bounds of normal human conduct.
        
I have written about the challenges that political dissidents in Burma have
to face.  Everybody committed to taking an active part in the endeavor to
return the country to democracy has to be prepared to go to prison at any
time.  It usually happens in the middle of the night, appropriately, as
there can be fewer deeds more akin to darkness than that of depriving
innocent people of a normal, healthy life.  The ones most vulnerable to
arrest are members of the NLD.
        
Many of them are already seasoned jail veterans who, at casual moments,
exchange prison yarns and instruct the as yet uninitiated on such matters as
the kind of treatment they can expect at the interrogation sessions and what
they should take with them when the banging on the door comes: change of
clothing, soap, toothpaste and toothbrush, medicines, a blanket or two, et
cetera, all in a plastic bag.  Nothing so respectable as a knapsack or
suitcase is permitted.  And do not be fooled if the people who turn up at
the door, usually without a warrant, say that they will only be keeping you
for a few days.  That could well translate into a 20-year sentence.
        
When U Win Htein, a key member of my office staff, was arrested one night
last May, he had a bag already packed.  He had previously spent six years in
Insein Jail: He was one of the people taken away from my house in 1989 on
the day I was detained and he was released only in February 1995.  When U
Win Htein asked those who had come to take him away whether they had an
arrest warrant, they replied that it was not necessary as charges had
already been moved against him and his sentence had been decided.  So much
for the concept of the law that deems a person innocent until proven guilty.
        
Section 340 (1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure provides that "any person
accused of an offense before a criminal court, or against who proceedings
are instituted under this code, in any such court, may of right be defended
by a pleader." This basic right to counsel is systematically denied to
political prisoners in Burma.  They are not even allowed to make contact
with their families.
        
The authorities generally refuse to give any information on detainees who
have not yet been tried.  The NLD and the families of political prisoners
have to make strenuous inquiries to find out where they are, with what
"crime" they would be charged and when and where the trials would take
place.  Usually the trials of political prisoners are conducted in a special
courthouse within the jail precincts.
        
Last month, a number of political prisoners were tried in Insein Jail.
When the NLD heard that U Win Htein and some others were going to be
produced at court on a certain day, a lawyer was sent to defend them.  The
Special Branch officer at the jail questioned by the lawyer said he did not
know anything about a trial.  But the trial took place while the lawyer was
waiting at the gate and continued after he left in the afternoon.  The next
week, a number of lawyers again went to Insein Jail, accompanied by the
families of the prisoners, on the day they had heard the trial was to
continue.  This time they managed to get into the prison courthouse.
However, they were only allowed to cross-examine four of the 24 witnesses
for the prosecution.
        
The next morning, the lawyers and the families of the prisoners arrived in
Insein Jail at 9 o'clock, as they had heard sentence would be passed that
day.  The area around the jail entrance was full of security personnel and
all the shops along the road were shut.  The lawyers were refused entry.
They were told sentence would only be passed at the end of the month and
were asked to leave.  However, as the magistrate concerned with the case had
been seen at the Insein Township Magistrate's Court the lawyers were
convinced the trial was scheduled to proceed within a matter of hours and
continued to wait outside the jail.
        
The magistrate eventually arrived and entered the prison precincts at
around 2 o'clock and came out again after about 40 minutes.  The lawyers
followed him to the Insein Township Court to ask what kind of sentence had
been passed.  The magistrate, very nervous and surrounded by security
personnel, would only say that an application should be made to copy the
records of the court proceedings.  Some days later the government media
announced that U Win Htein and others had been given seven-year prison
sentences each.
        
The sight of kangaroos bounding away across an open prairie can sometimes
be rather beautiful.  The spectacle of the process of law bounding away from
accepted norms of justice is very ugly at all times.

****************************************************************

NATION: JUNTA ARRESTS NINE YOUTHS, DISTRIBUTING PAMPHLETS
September 23, 1996

RANGOON - The military regime yesterday announced the arrest of nine youths
for distributing pamphlets at democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's weekend
rallies, stepping up their recent policy of slowly breaking her movement
while leaving her untouched.

The New Light of Myanmar newspaper controlled by the state like all Burmese
media, reported that the youths, including one girl, were arrested on
charges of disrupting the nation's peace and tranquillity and will be
punished accordingly.

Labeling the youths "delinquents," the newspaper said they distributed
anti-government pamphlets aimed at inciting unrest during the "weekend
roadside talks on University Avenue" outside Suu Kyi's home.

The arrests reinforced an emerging pattern in which the authorities
regularly arrest activists of Suu Kyi' National League for Democracy (NLD),
inciting, while leaving her alone.

Jailing Suu Kyi, the 1991 winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, or putting her
under house arrest will draw a storm of protest and probably result in
economic sanctions, from at  least some Western countries.

But by nibbling away at the rank-and-file, the ruling junta is effectively
neutralising Suu Kyi without having to actually take any action against her.

The result is noticeable at weekend rallies outside Suu Kyi's home, where
attendance has dropped in recent weeks from about 2,000 to 1,500. Despite
the harassment, the rallies are virtually the only opposition forum allowed
in the country.

"Those who belong to the NLD are harassed all the time," Suu Kyi said in her
talk on Saturday.

"If you look at how hard the people of Burma have had to struggle to achieve
their rights, I think you will agree that they deserve all the help they can
get."

At least 60 pro-democracy activists have either been arrested or sentenced
to long prison terms in recent weeks, some for offences as vague as making
videos of failed rice crops that would highlight the government's failed
agricultural policies.

The regime has rebuffed Suu Kyi's repeated calls for a dialogue since
releasing her from six years of house arrest in July 1995. In May, hundreds
of her supporters were rounded up to prevent a party congress. Most were
later released, but those identified as key activists are still under arrest.

The regime received a shot in the arm in July after scoring a diplomatic coup 
when the Association of Southeast Asian Nations granted Burma observer status.

Asean has refused to join protests over Burma's human rights record, saying
it will not interfere in the country's internal affairs.

Burma hopes to become a full member next year, which will provide the regime
with a diplomatic and economic shield against protests or sanctions from
other countries.

The military has ruled Burma since 1962. Opposition candidates
overwhelmingly won democratic elections in 1990, but the regime never
honoured the result and parliament was never allowed to convene.

Suu Kyi, 50, daughter of Burma's independence hero, Aung San, emerged as the
leader of the pro-democracy movement in 1988 during street protests that
were brutally suppressed by the army. (TN)

***********************************************************

FBC: DAW SUU'S FREE BURMA FAST SPEECH
September, 1996
From: zni@students.wisc.edu (zar ni)

It is wonderful to learn that the children from 110 universities and 13
high schools across the United States and Canada will be taking part in the
Free Burma fast. Young people were the backbone of the public demonstration
of 1988 that swept away the rule of the Burma Socialist Program Party. The
movement for democracy in Burma emerged from those demonstrations, in which
many students lost their lives. It is then most fitting that students
should be taking up the cause of the as-yet unshaken democratic revolution
of my country.

There is a great need for the world to know that the people of Burma are
suffering from continuous repression and injustice. Democracy activists,
including students, continue to be arrested. They are subjected to farcical
trials, and condemned to long terms in prison. The conditions under which
political prisoners are kept in Burma are appalling, and few emerge from
incarceration with their health intact. Organizers and members of my
political party, the National League for Democracy, are harassed and
threatened every day by the authorities.

We want Burma to be free and prosperous. We are not anti-business, but we
oppose investment in Burma today because the our real malady is not
economic but political. What we are really suffering from is not lack of
investment or infrastructure, but misgovernment. Until we have a system
that guarantees rule of law and basic democratic institutions, no amount of
aid or investment will benefit our people. Profits from business
enterprises will merely go towards enriching a small, already very
privileged elite. Companies such as Unocal and Pepsi, ARCO, and Texaco only
serve to prolong the agony of my country by encouraging the present
military regime to persevere in its intransigence.

The Free Burma fast will help to focus attention on the essentially
peaceful nature of the quest for democracy in Burma. It is reminiscent of
the Satyagraha ... salt (?) campaign with which Mahatma Gandhi set the very
foundation of the British Indian empire rocking. Your action could well
release an international troop force that will join the covent of our
struggle for democracy in Burma.

I would like to thank all of you who are participating in the fast, in
particular the American and Canadian students who have done so much for the
Free Burma campaign. Victory will surely be ours, because our cause is just.

**********************************************************

BURMANET: NEWS INSIDE BURMA
September 23, 1996

Dr. Aung Khin Sint was sentenced to imprisonment on September 13th.
He had been released from the prison after signing a statement that he would
no longer be involved in politics. Butafter his release continued his
involvement in
politics he was therefore arrested again.

- On September 20, Mr. Hla Myint, Chairman of the NLD and also the elected MP 
in Maubin township in Irrawaddy Division, was sentenced to 2 years imprisonment.
He was charged with Defience of Law and Order after asking a police officer to 
leave an NLD meeting who was noting down members present at the meeting.

- The owner of the NLD head-office at ShweGoneDine in Rangoon, asked the NLD 
to move from the premises. They have therefore arranged to move office to the 
compound of ASSK by the end of this year. SLORC has  threatened owners of the  
buildings where NLD offices have been situated. They have been told that these 
buildings would be confiscated when the NLD is announced as being an unlawful 
organization.

- As of September 20, the price of petrol and diesel in Rangoon was 450k and
420k /
gallon. Local buse services were asked by authorities to reduce to number of
round 
trips per day by half and also to reduce the number of buses running by half.

- The private cars and motorcycles are arranged to be provided with only half of
the regular quota. Due to this fuel shortage, prices of the general
commodities have 
risen.  1 viss (1.5 kilo) of salt cost 40 kyats

Myanmar TV: 23/9/96

- The Chinese Ambassador and delegation met Kyaw Ba today to discuss trade 
issues and the up and comming "Visit Myanmar year."

- A shipment of 156 pieces of machinery was recently bought from Japan to be 
used in building Dams in Myanmar.

- There was a formal signing of the agreement between Communication Corp and 
DHL International to form a Myanmar DHL Company in Burma.

*****************************************************************

BKK POST: CONSENSUS URGED ON ASEAN ROLE
September 24, 1996

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should have a joint stand
on the timing of Burma's administration as a full member, Deputy Prime
Minister and Foreign Minister Amnuay Viravan said yesterday.

Asean "normally" takes a joint stand on such matters, and "there probably
will not be any breaking of ranks" this time, he added.

Asean foreign ministers are due to discuss the question of Burma's
membership at an informal meeting in New York on Thursday on the sidelines
of the United Nations General Assembly.

Due to the political situation in Bangkok, Amnuay will not head the Thai
delegation to the annual UN meeting. Deputy Permanent Secretary for Foreign
Affairs Saroj Chavanaviraj will represent him there and at the informal
Asean get-together.

Burma, which was given observer status to Asean in July, officially applied
for full membership last month, and specified that 1997 is its target date,
not 1998 as it previously indicated.

But so far only Malaysia has expressed support for Burma's admission in
1997, at the same time as Cambodia and Laos.

Amnuay said Asean has not decided whether Burma should join next year but it
has the "goal" of all ten Southeast Asian countries "growing stronger
together" under the same roof.

Asean currently groups Thailand, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the
Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam.

A senior Thai foreign ministry official said he expected the Asean foreign
ministers to agree to apply to Burma's "technical" criteria for new members,
one of which is a commitment towards trade liberalisation under the Asean
Free Trade Area scheme.

Meanwhile, Amnuay maintained that the political situation in Thailand would
not affect the government's foreign affairs commitments over the next few
weeks, notably the reception of Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem
Bruntland, who is due to pay an official visit from October 6 to 8.

But the October 10 to 12 visit to India by Prime Minister Banharn
Silpa-archa has already been postponed, observers noted.

And a new prime minister and foreign minister are expected to receive
Britain's Queen Elizabeth from October 28 to November 2, Peru's President
Fujimoto from November 17 to 20, and United States President Bill Clinton
from November 25 to 27. 

************************************************************

BKK POST: MANDALAY AIRPORT LOAN GETS AMNUAY BACKING
September 21, 1996
Yuwadee Tunyasiri
Supawadee Susanpulthong

Export Import Bank's three billion baht loan to the Mandalay airport project
promotes local industry, Deputy Minister Amnuay Viravan said yesterday.

The loan would have no adverse effects on the local economy as it had not
come from internal savings. Part of the loan was mobilised from forreign
sources.

It was worthwhile to encourage a local building firm to invest in a foreign
country, said the deputy premier responsible for economic affairs.

He assured Exim had approved the loan within the legal framework.

Democrat MP Suthep Thueksuban, who raised the issue on Thursday, contended
the loan was granted for the benefit of the Prime Minister.

Suthep suspected Banharn had pocketed a huge kickback from Ital-thai Co in
exchange for the right to invest in the airport using the loan.

Amnuay maintained the project would yield benefits in the long run, saying
the investment helped curb the current account deficit, and the company
could also offer building related services to local firms.

Denying Exim placed lower priority on local investments, Amnuay said it was
normal for any country to entice outside investment.

The Nam Thai leader was confident the Finance Ministry, which oversees Exim,
was able to clear doubts about the loan.

Banharn thought it was unnecessary to debate the issue on camera despite
fears the issue may cause friction with Burma.

The Prime Minister said he saw bright prospects for the project. Any
assistance Thailand could extend to the Rangoon regime would enhance relations.

Banharn explained one week before his last official trip to Burma that the
Cabinet had been informed of the bank's request to grant the loan to Ital -Thai.

But the request was not approved until after he returned from Burma and
became convinced of the project's potential.

He accepted Suthep's point that Ital-Thai executives Chaiyuth and Premchai
karnasuta were in his entourage but it was the junta that arranged for Dr
Chaiyuth to sit next to him on a helicopter so they could discuss details of
the project.

Suthep suspected Banharn and Dr Chaiyuth negotiated a "Secret payment" to
get the loan the project approved.

Banharn said Thailand could also cash in on other large-scale projects in
Burma. He gave Rangoon a list of Thai companies to demonstrate Thailand's
interest.

"We would lose to Singapore if the Government did not act fast to take the
deal," he said.

Finance Minister Bodi Chunnanond said the project agreement required the 
junta to act as loan guarantor and Italthai to seek the loans.

Ital-Thai had asked the bank to make the 3.75 billion-baht payable over 13
years but the sum exceeded its legal limit, according for half of its 32
billion-baht reserve.

With cabinet endorsement, Ital-Thai was granted a partial loan which Bodi
failed to specify while the remainder was from other sources.

Bodi contended income from the airport and foreign currency exchange would
be sufficient to cover repayment plus interest.

A large portion of the airport's earnings was derived from the collection of tax
estimated at 100 million baht a year. The loan regulation requiring each
tourist to change $300 (7,500 baht) into kyat is expected to generate enough
profit to help absorb the debt.

But experts said income from the latter source may be unreliable as the
regulation was often relaxed, resulting in fluctuations.

Bodi said the loan was not risky as Burma was secure financially and Exim
also supported the export of workers to Laos in many projects.

Mandalay airport is the first project in Burma to which the bank has given
financial assistance.

Suthep said the bank would be vulnerable if Burma was not consistent in its
repayments. 

***********************************************************

BKK POST: CASINOS NEAR BORDER SPARK DEEP CONCERN
September 24, 1996
Subin Khuenkaew
Thirawat Khamthita

Fearing rise in money-laundering, crime and drug trafficking, Thai
authorities are viewing with deep concern the construction of two casinos in
Burma that are expected to begin operations next year.

The casinos - one owned by Thai and foreign businessmen and another by drug
warlord Khun Sa's son Zamsuen - are located in the notorious Golden Triangle
straddling Burma, Laos and Thailand.

Golden Triangle Paradise Resort Company, an affiliate of the P.P. Group,
recently resumed work on its casino-cum-entertainment project suspended for
about seven years.

Construction began in the middle of 1988 after the military regime in
Rangoon gave investors a 30-year lease to build a casino inside Burmese
territory, just across the border of this northern province.

Work came to a halt in 1991 when the National Peace-keeping Council topped
the government led by then prime minister Chatichai Choonhavan.

Investors in the firm include Chart Thai MP Praphat Phothasathon's brother,
Prasit, and a number of other Thai and foreign businessmen.

The company plans to develop the leased land into a tourist attraction,
complete with a hotel, entertainment facilities, and a casino.

The Interior Ministry recently ordered the re-opening of a border checkpoint
at Ban Wang Lao in Chiang Saen district at the kilometre maker 25 on Chiang
Saen-Mae Sai Road to faciliate transportation of construction material.

Withavas construction Co is the contractor for the Golden Triangle Paradise
Resort Project.

The checkpoint will remain open for two years.

The project has been roundly condemned by local residents and Thai officials
who fear the casino, though on Burmese territory could threaten national
security.

The casino will help spur the Burmese economy but it would make nearby areas
prone to crime and drug trafficking, said opponents.

Col Choosak Anujornphan, deputy director of the Internal Security Operations
Command (ISOC)'s Chiang Rai office, told the Bangkok Post, Thailand had no
policy to support gambling.

The casino business in the golden triangle would pose a threat to border
villagers, both in Thailand and Burma, said Col Choosak, adding that the
area would become prone to all forms of illegal activities such as smuggling
of war weapons and drug trafficking, while criminal gangs could use the area
as a hideout.

Sujit Detkul, a former MP candidate for Seritham Party, said the casino
could become a new outlet for gamblers from Chiang Saen and other northern
districts to launder dirty money.

"There are about 10 gambling dens in Chiang Saen. Unemployed locals turn to
gambling. The Government should be blamed for the dens because is has not
done anything to create jobs or boost tourism in the area.

"Chiang Saen is a historical point on the map for its where the borders of
Thailand, Laos, and Burma meet. The local economy thrived during the
Chatichai administration," said Sujit.

The other casino would be located on  1 44-acre plot in Tachilek in Burma.

The State law and Order Restoration Council gave the land, opposite Ban
Muang Daeng in Mae Sai district, to Khun Sa after he capitulated to the
Rangoon regime earlier this year.

Khun Sa's third son, Zamsuen plans to invest about 500 million baht in
developing the area into a tourist venue complete with a casino, a 200-room
hotel, and other forms of entertainment.

**********************************************************

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH : PROTECTION FOR MUSLIM REFUGEES
September 13, 1996
From: zni@students.wisc.edu (zar ni)

Are The Rohingya Muslims - Ending a Cycle of Exodus?, released today,
Human Rights Watch/Asia documents the repatriation of more than 200,000
Burmese Muslims from Bangladesh to their home state in northern Burma, and
concludes that the arrival of an estimated 10,000 new refugees by the end of
May 1996 raised important questions about the role of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR) and about the promotion of "voluntary"
return to countries with particularly abusive governments.

     On September 3, 1996, the Bangladesh Foreign Minister, Abdud Samad Azad,
started a three day visit to Rangoon to discuss, among other things, the
repatriation of nearly 50,000 Burmese Muslim refugees remaining out of the
270,000 who fled to Bangladesh in 1992.  But even as these discussions took
place, new asylum-seekers were fleeing Burma. In the week of August 26, two
refugees reportedly died after they stepped on landmines as they tried to
cross the border into Bangladesh.  On April 20, fifteen others drowned when
their boat capsized while being towed across the Naf river back to Burma by
Bangladesh border guards. The cycle of exodus is clearly not over. In February
and March 1996, Human Rights Watch/Asia interviewed some of the early arrivals
in the new influx of refugees to Bangladesh and found that forced labor, lack
of freedom of movement, and the forcible disappearance of family members
triggered their exodus.  The 34-page report, based on those interviews and
other data collected since then, documents a pattern of continuing
discrimination against the Muslims in Arakan state, from the denial of
citizenship to forced relocations and forced labor.

The UNHCR signed agreements with the governments of Bangladesh and Burma
in May and November 1993, giving the UNHCR a role in repatriation on both
sides of the border. The repatriation of thousands of Burmese has taken place
in the context of developments within the UNHCR, which has seen a shift from
providing refugee relief to promoting voluntary repatriation as the most
durable solution to refugee problems.

UNHCR officials and the UNHCR annual report have cited the Rohingya
repatriation as a success and vindication of this new position.  Human Rights
Watch/Asia strongly questions the degree to which the rights of the refugees
have been protected in the process. A draft of Human Rights Watch/Asia's
findings was sent to the U.N. High Commissioner, Mrs. Sadako Ogata in Geneva;
comments from her office have been incorporated in the final text.  However,
differences of opinion and interpretation between Human Rights Watch and the
UNHCR inevitably remain, notably on the issue of the voluntariness of the
repatriation at different times.

There is no dispute that the first stage of the repatriation, between
September 1992 and the end of 1993, was forced.  At the time, the UNHCR was
not present in Burma and had no agreement with the Burmese government to
provide assistance to returnees.  Even more seriously, while the UN agency was
present in the camps in Bangladesh, it could not prevent major abuses,
including beatings and the denial of food rations by camp authorities directed
at forcing the refugees back to Burma.

The second repatriation effort took place after the UNHCR had
established a limited field presence in Arakan state in early 1994. It began
promoting mass repatriation on the grounds that the situation in Arakan was
now conducive to return, and it gave up the hard-won right to interview each
refugee individually to ensure that she or he was returning voluntarily. Human
Rights Watch/Asia examines the extent to which the refugees have been able to
make fully informed decisions about their return, based on knowledge of their
right to request continued asylum and objective information about conditions
in Arakan.  It also looks at various elements of the reintegration program and
the consequences of the UNHCR having as its implementing agency or 
government partner an ostensibly civilian agency that in some parts of
Arakan is 
under the direct command of the military.

     Human Rights Watch/Asia applauds the UNHCR's efforts to work toward
preventing refugee outflows by promoting human rights, but notes that the
UNHCR has in many cases avoided addressing human rights concerns in 
Arakan. In particular, the UNHCR must ensure that it does not neglect its
responsibilities to the refugees in a situation where there is a conflict of
interest: where the need to publicize and advocate against continued abuses
takes second place to the need to maintain good relations with both the
country of origin and the host country. The UNHCR's policy since June 1996 of
discouraging and reportedly assisting the government to prevent possible
asylum seekers from leaving Burma is a cause for great concern.

     "In the final analysis, the refugee problem will not be solved until and
unless the Rohingyas are recognized as citizens by the Burmese government and
granted the rights they are currently denied," said Zunetta Liddell, Human
Rights Watch/Asia's London-based research associate. "They will remain a
vulnerable group, always ready to flee if the alternative is to suffer
further abuse."

     Human Rights Watch/Asia recommends that the Burmese government (SLORC,
or State Law and Order Restoration Council) immediately amend or repeal the
1982 Citizenship Act to abolish its over-burdensome requirements for citizens
in a manner which has discriminatory effects on racial or ethnic minorities,
and to grant the Muslims of Arakan State full citizenship and accompanying
rights, in particular the right to freedom of movement.  The SLORC should also
cease the practice of forced labor in Arakan State and across Burma in
compliance with the 1930 ILO Convention on Forced Labor which the government
signed in 1955, and it should permit the new UN Special Rapporteur to Burma to
visit the area on his mission later this year, and he should be guaranteed
free and confidential access to residents.

     Human Rights Watch/Asia also urges the Bangladesh government of Sheikh
Hasina to state unequivocally that it will permit individuals to seek asylum.
In doing so, it should provide objective information to refugees on which they
can make an informed decision to return and should ensure that refugees are
fully aware of their right to protection from refoulement if they can
establish a well-founded fear of persecution if they are returned. Bangladesh
is obliged to give all asylum seekers the opportunity to claim refugee status.
The Bangladesh government should demonstrate its commitment to international
human rights standards by becoming a party to the 1951 Convention Relating to
the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol. Even without having become a
party to the Convention, Bangladesh should fulfill  its obligations with
regard to the principle of non-refoulement which is customary international law.

     Finally, Human Rights Watch/Asia calls on the UNHCR to conduct a
thorough evaluation of its policy of promoting mass repatriation to Arakan
State at a time when the situation there has not substantially improved. Under
current circumstances, if the conditions in Arakan State deteriorate, UNHCR
should not tolerate violations by the Bangladesh government of the right to
seek asylum or the principle of non-refoulement.  The UNHCR should also
reassess its classification of Burmese Muslims newly arrived in Bangladesh
from Burma as "economic migrants" and seek assurances from Bangladesh that
they will not be returned against their will without having had the
opportunity to apply for refugee status.

Copies of this report are available from the Publications Department, Human
Rights Watch, 485 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10017-6104 for $6.00 (domestic
shipping) and $7.50 (international shipping).  MasterCard and Visa accepted.

****************************************************************

ANNOUNCEMENT: PRESS CONFERENCE AT HOUSE TRIANGLE
September  24,  1996
From: NYUNTPAUNG A-SO-YA <ncgub@igc.apc.org>

DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS FOR BURMA

The Congressional Human Rights Caucus will be holding a Press 
Conference entitled, "Democracy and Human Rights for Burma," at 
the House Triangle at 1:30pm on September 24, 1996.

Dr Sein Win, Prime Minister of the provisional National Coalition 
Government of the Union of Burma, will  address the press 
conference together with Congressman Tom Lantos and Congressman 
John Edward Porter.

Please join the press conference to express solidarity with Daw 
Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma.

Place:      House Triangle  or Room HC-8 (Capitol Building) in case of 
         inclement weather.

Time:       1:30 pm
        
Date:       September 24, 1996

********************************************************

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following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer 
coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you 
in contact with someone who can:

Campus activism:        zni@students.wisc.edu
Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] ai268@freenet.carleton.ca     
Buddhism:                    Buddhist Relief Mission:  brelief@gol.com
Chin history/culture:        [volunteer temporarily away]
Fonts:                                  tom@cs.colgate.edu
High School Activism:     nculwell@facstaff.wisc.edu
History of Burma:            zni@students.wisc.edu
International Affairs:   Julien Moe: JulienMoe@aol.com
Kachin history/culture:      74750.1267@compuserve.com 
Karen history/culture:  Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com
Mon history/culture:         [volunteer needed]
Naga history/culture:   Wungram Shishak:  z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu
Burma-India border            [volunteer needed]
Pali literature:                 "Palmleaf":  c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org
Pipeline Campaign               freeburma@irn.org
Resettlement info:      refugee_help@mail.serve.com 
Rohingya culture                volunteer needed
Shan history/culture:   Sao Hpa Han: burma@ix.netcom.com
Shareholder activism:       simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net 
Total - France          Dawn Star: cd@utopia.EUnet.fr  
Tourism campaigns:              bagp@gn.apc.org     "Attn. S.Sutcliffe"   
volunteering:           refugee_help@mail.serve.com
World Wide Web:              FreeBurma@POBox.com

Geographical Contacts:

Massachusetts           simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net 

[Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage]
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The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma.
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It is produced with the support of the Burma Information Group 
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