---------------------------------BurmaNet-----------------------------------
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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: September 25, 1996
Issue #522

Noted in Passing: 
                
                Since ASEAN's acceptance of Burma as an observer, arrests 
                have increased and the military regime has become more 
                arrogant with its new found legitimacy - Dr. Sein Win
                (see: STATEMENT: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH AT HOUSE 
                PRESS CONFERENCE)

HEADLINES:
==========
STATEMENT: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH AT HOUSE PRESS CONFERENCE
STATEMENT: REP. PELOSI CALLS FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA
BURMANET: NEWS ON THE BORDER 
NATION: LETTER - BOYCOTT PROPOSED
US EMBASSY RANGOON: FOREIGN ECONOMIC TRENDS - BURMA
STATEMENT: DAW SUU'S FREE BURMA SPEECH (FINAL TRANSCRIPTION)
STATEMENT: PROTEST BY ABSL AGAINST UNHCR'S MALTREAMENT
THE NATION: YOUNG STILL SING SONGS OF RESISTANCE
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
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STATEMENT: DR. SEIN WIN SPEECH AT HOUSE PRESS CONFERENCE
September 24, 1996
From: NYUNTPAUNG A-SO-YA <ncgub@igc.apc.org>

Prime Minister Dr. Sein Win of  NCGUB, joined members of the 
Congressional Human Rights Caucus and representatives of Burma' s 
government in exile today at a press conference in Washington, D.C., to 
call for democracy and human rights in Burma.

Address  by  Prime Minister  Dr.  Sein Win at the 'Hill Triangle' Press 
Conference.

Honorable Senators and Members of the House of Representatives,  
Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
I am honored to speak on behalf of my country and people here today.   
Even as I speak, the military junta that has ruled Burma after  
massacring thousands of people in 1988, is stepping up its repression  
of democracy activists.  Many members of the democracy movement,  
particularly those close to Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu  
Kyi and the National League for Democracy, the party that won a  
landslide victory in the 1990 elections, are being arrested, 
interrogated under torture and sentenced to harsh prison terms. 
 
The military junta plans to install a military dictatorship and 
legitimize it through a constitution being drafted by a convention of 
its hand-picked delegates.  Since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, 
the National League for Democracy, have the legality by virtue of the 
1990 election victory, they are seen as a threat by the generals. 
 
Judging from the pattern of arrests today,  it is evident that the 
military junta aims to isolate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from her 
supporters and to debilitate the National League for Democracy.  The 
arrests and imprisonment of democracy activists without any 
justifiable grounds are therefore worsening with time.    
 
Hundreds of political prisoners, including elected representatives, 
are languishing in prison today.   A number of them have died because 
of harsh conditions in prisons.   Since the military junta is wary of 
international reaction to its repressive practices, the international 
community should not accept the situation in Burma as fait accompli.   
These calculated arrests and imprisonment by the military junta must  
be condemned without fail. 
 
We have seen the failure of an appeasement policy toward the Burmese  
generals.  'Constructive Engagement' by the ASEAN has only brought  
about harsher repression in Burma.  There has been no positive  
political changes in my country even though ASEAN has stepped up its  
trading and business relations with the generals under its 
'Constructive Engagement' policy.  In fact, since ASEAN's acceptance 
of Burma as an observer,  arrests have increased and the military 
regime has become more arrogant with its new found legitimacy. 
 
With this backdrop in mind, I am very pleased that the U.S. Congress 
has recently passed the Cohen-Feinstein Amendment - Section 569 of  
the Foreign Operations and Appropriations Act which sets conditions  
for sanctions on the military junta if the repression worsens. It
is a clear message to the Burmese generals that they cannot continue 
to pursue a policy of intimidation. 
 
I was in Europe when the Amendment was passed and was able to tell 
governments there about the action the United States has taken. I am 
pleased to say that a number of European Union nations have already  
expressed their interest in pursuing a stronger line of action 
against the Burmese military regime. 
 
We will also be seeking stronger action at various international 
forums, including the upcoming United Nations General Assembly, and 
with all democratic governments.  I am totally convinced that growing 
concerted international action and intensifying movement for  
democracy in Burma will speed up the process of democratization as  
well as the restoration of human rights in our country. Burma will be  
free and democratic without fail. 

**********************************************************

STATEMENT: REP. PELOSI CALLS FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA
September 24, 1996
From: NYUNTPAUNG A-SO-YA <ncgub@igc.apc.org>

Congress Woman Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco), a Member of the House 
Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee, joined members of the 
Congressional Human Rights Caucus and representatives of Burma' s 
government in exile today at a press conference in Washington, D.C., to 
call for democracy and human rights in Burma.

The text of Rep. Pelosi's statement follows:

I am pleased to join with my colleagues in the Congressional Human 
Rights Caucus in calling for democracy and human rights in Burma. We are 
honored to have with us Dr. Sein Win, the exiled Prime Minister of 
Burma, who exemplifies the courage of Burma's pro- democracy movement. 
Dr. Sein Win is a leader in exile because Burma's military junta will 
not allow that country's democratically elected leaders to serve.

The most effective action the United States can take to assist the 
people of Burma is to impose sanctions and prohibit new investments in 
Burma. I am pleased to be a cosponsor of H.R. 2892, introduced by 
Representative Dana Rohrabacher, which would implement these necessary 
steps. This legislation sends a message to the tyrants of SLORC that 
their actions are not acceptable to the world community.

No one can speak more eloquently or with more authority on how we can 
help Burma than the brave people struggling for democracy and basic 
human rights there. I call to your attention the words of Aung San Suu 
Kyi, who in a BBC interview in May, 1996, said, "Our policy is that any 
investment made now is not going to bring any long-term profits for 
those who are investing, and certainly it is very much against the 
interests of the people of Burma because most of the investments coming 
in are coming in through the same privileged group which is getting 
richer and richer, and more and more intent upon...clinging to power."

Last week, House and Senate conferees completed work on the fiscal year 
1997 Foreign Operations Appropriations bill, which includes the Cohen 
amendment on Burma. This amendment is only a first step in the right 
direction. As a conferee, I supported stronger language and I will 
continue to fight for stronger measures until the Burmese people are 
free. SLORC must be held accountable for its human rights abuses and 
for its annulment of a democratic election.

We cannot ignore SLORC's stranglehold on the people of Burma. We cannot 
have business as usual with an illegitimate government that overthrew 
an election which gave its country's democrats 60% of the votes and 82% of 
the seats. We must not turn a blind eye to the 2 million Burmese people 
who have been forced into slave labor by the Burmese regime.

I am proud and honored to stand here today on the grounds of the United 
States Capitol -- an institution which represents freedom and democracy 
to people around the world -- and to speak out for and with those 
people whose governments seek to silence their voices. We will stand by the 
freedom-seeking people of Burma and their just cause will be won.

************************************************************

BURMANET: NEWS ON THE BORDER 
September 24, 1996

On September 18, the Ministry of Interior (MOI), Thailand has issued the 
following changes to refugees:

- Building of a barbed-wire fence around the MaeLa refugee camp
- Provision of refugees with registration cards
- Refusal to allow refugees to travel beyond the township area of the camp.
        
The MOI also asked KRC to allow some refugees to return to Burma to review 
the situation on the Burmese side.

There will be a meeting on the current refugee situation in Thailand from
September 30th - October 2nd in Bangkok attended by various ethnic groups.

Last week, DKBA invited The Refugee Committee of Dawnparkhan camp for
discussions and asked them to return all refugees to Burma within 3 months.

In Chiang Mai, within 3 weeks of the announcement of a law allowing illegal
immigrants registration for work permits, only 3000 Burmese have registered. 
They must pay 1000 Baht for registration and an additional 500 baht for
medical care. The maximum time allowed in Thailand on the work permit is 
2 years, after which they must leave back to their home country. 
(The entitlement is only open to those who have arrived in Thailand  before
June,1996)

100 of the 1000 Burmese migrating to the city in search of work were found to 
be drug addicts and were sent back to the border. Others who are found to have
Tuberculosis, Malaria and other disease were allowed to stay and receive
medical treatment.

Two prominent leaders of the KNU were arrested this month at Tak Checkpoint
The passport of one was confiscated and 8000 baht had to be paid for his
release.
The other was released after 1000 baht was paid. 

An NCGUB Minister has been interrogated by Thai police after being asked to
leave 
a bus, the  interrogation lasted one hour.

****************************************************************

NATION: LETTER - BOYCOTT PROPOSED
September 24, 1996

We deplore Joe Cummings' recent vilification of Christina Fink
and Faith Doherty in your letters column (The Nation, Sept 19)
and we would like to alert your readers to the fact that
Cummings' word is not to be trusted. We learned this in the
summer of 1995 when it came to our attention that he had authored
an article, "On the Political Correctness of Travel to Myanmar",
which was used in a travel promotion by Rusty Staff of Bolder
Adventures. In this tract, Cummings blatantly misrepresented us,
claiming that "The Burma Relief Center (sic) (266-27 Ozuku-cho,
KashiharaShi, Nara-ken 634 Japan), former travel boycott
advocates, are now encouraging people to travel to Burma -in
order to see what's really going on." That was and is an outright
untruth. There is no way that any of our fliers and articles
urging a travel boycott could have innocently been misread.
     
Given that Cummings has lied about us, how can we believe his
claims that U Par Par Lay repeatedly told him that he felt
tourists should  travel to Slorc's Burma? Of course, we wish we 
could ask this brilliant comedian how he really feels and what he
actually said, but since he has been imprisoned for seven years
by Slorc, it just isn't possible to verify Cummings' story. 

To insinuate that because they are involved with Burmese issues
on a full-time basis, Ms Fink and Ms Doherty are profiting from
the misery of the Burmese people is both ludicrous and  vicious.
Lest Joe Cummings vilify us with the same ad homenem nastiness,
let us hasten to say that we are high school teachers and that
our activities with the Burmese Relief Center  Japan (BRC-J) are
entirely voluntary. However, the fact that we are volunteers
doesn't mean that we don't we don't know what is going on in
Burma. BRC-J is also a repository of Burma-related materials,
photographic evidence, raw footage and finished videos,
photocopied documents, first-hand testimony, and finished reports
evidence of precisely the sorts of abuses that Cummings wants to
gloss over. We also have the full texts of the Karen Rights Group
reports, to which Cummings alludes but obviously has never read.
It is shameful that he is ignorant and is unaware of the
meticulous care and integrity that goes into the interviews those
reports are based on. Yet he claims to know about Burma!
     
Cummings has also abused the National Coalition Government for
the Union of Burma's (NCGUB) position. He ignores the clear
statement, "The NCGUB strongly opposes Visit Myanmar Year 1996
which is being promoted by Slorc. Tourists should not engage in
activities that will only benefit Slorc's coffers and not the
people of Burma."
     
Instead, trying to prove that Dr Sein Win supports his own
twisted opinion, Cummings quotes the very next sentence (but
omits the first word): "However, responsible individuals and
organizations who wish to verify the facts and publicize the
plight of the Burmese people are encouraged to utilize Slorc's
more relaxed tourist policies." Cummings wants to imply that this
applies to his low-budget sightseers. It doesn't. Dr Win is
clearly referring to organizations like Article 19, which
recently produced two revealing studies of Slorc's Burma: "Fatal
Silence" and "Burma: Beyond the Law", and to individuals like
John Pilger, who graphically documented the facts and publicized
the plight of the Burmese people in his for-television program
"Inside Burma: Land of Fear."
     
Actually, Pilger and his cameramen eavesdropped on some typical
sightseers in their lackadaisical ignorance of the realities in
Burma. Those tourists could have spent four months there, just as
Cummings says he did, and they could have traveled from one end
of the country to the other and remaining none the wiser. Much
like Cummings himself, actually.
     
Cummings slanders Ms Doherty for "publishing poorly substantiated
research on Burma", but the recent SAIN/ERI report, "Total
Denial," is based upon thousands of interviews with people
directly involved with and affected by the pipeline. Still,
Cummings claims he couldn't find a "single person [who] supported
economic sanctions of any kind." Perhaps there was something
about his conversational style that frightened people off.
Cummings tries to reduce Ms Fink and Ms Doherty to his own level,
claiming that "each [of us] live by reporting our observations;
each of us has our own moral agenda and none of us can reasonably
claim more morality than the other as far as I can see." The
problem is precisely that he can't see. Having no morality of his
own, he wants us to believe that everyone he a moral agenda and
that one as good as another. That sort of moral relativism just
doesn't go, Joe, and impugning the motives of people committed to
human rights and freedom in Burma just like throwing garbage into
the wind.

Since we of BRC-J have had first-hand experience of Cummings' lack
of integrity in misusing our good name and because of his
proselytizing for Slorc Visit Myanmar Year. We would like to
propose a boycott of Lonely Planet's travel guides as we as a
boycott of tourism in Burma until democracy comes.

Ken and Visakha Kawasaki
BCR-J
Japan

*****************************************************************

US EMBASSY RANGOON: FOREIGN ECONOMIC TRENDS - BURMA
June 1996

MONETARY DEVELOPMENTS

The role of Burma's official exchange rate has become so limited that it no
longer
discourages exports or subsidizes imports, although it continues to reduce
macroeconomic transparency. Burma's real parallel market exchange rate has
deteriorated since February 1993 because of a partial exchange rate liberalized
of that date. Aggregate price inflation, which the GOB's indicators may
understate,
was fueled by sustained broad money supply growth averaging 36% a year during 
the first half of the 1990's. From FY 92/93 to FY 94/95, the GOB's share of
outstanding domestic credit rose from 79% to 82% ; The GOB continued to 
impose negative real interest rates on the legal financial system, which
attracted 
scant savings.

Burma continues to have a dual exchange rate regime. Since the late 1980's, the
kyat at the official exchange  rate, has appreciated slightly against the US
dollar,
from slightly more to slightly less than 6 kyat per dollar. The GOB
has largely completed a defacto devaluation of the kyat to a market-determined 
exchange rate since the SLORC was formed in late 1988.

The overwhelming preponderance of the non-tax transactions that occur at the 
official rate are within the public sector. However, it's abolition is
unlikely to 
introduce greater efficiency into public sector operations, and is certainly not
necessary in order to achieve any such prospective benefits for two reasons:

First, the public sector is a command structure not a market. The managers of
SEE's do not respond to price information with a view to maximizing
the profits of their individual enterprises. They are military officers who
respond
to orders from higher-ranking military officials in central government
ministries
by whom they are supervised, and these orders execute policies made or at least
approved by the SLORC. For example, the SEE's, in addition to paying taxes,
not only make contributions to the central government in an amount equivalent 
to about 2% of GDP, but also subsidize the central government in an amount 
equivalent in FY 94/95 to 5% of GDP, by selling imports to the central 
government at prices reflecting the official exchange rate. This is not 
decentralized profit maximizing behavior. There is no reason to believe that
abolishing the official exchange rate would substantially alter their behavior.

Second, the only relevant public sector decision making entity, the SLORC, need
not abolish or modify its official exchange rate in order to have more
meaningful
economic information on the basis of which to make decisions. It need only keep
a record, more private and more indicative set of national accounts based on
the 
market rather than the official rate. Burmese firms that routinely conduct
external
sector transactions commonly keep two sets of books, one for tax purposes
and the
other to reveal the amount and sources of the firms profits, in which
external sector
transactions are booked at the market rate. If  SLORC is not doing so, it
could do
so relatively cheaply; the cost of keeping a second set of books is not so
great as to 
constitute a major impediment to  effective national economic policy making.

****************************************************************

STATEMENT: DAW SUU'S FREE BURMA SPEECH (FINAL TRANSCRIPTION)
Rangoon, September, 1996
From: zni@students.wisc.edu (zar ni)

It is wonderful to learn that the students ... across the United States and
Canada will be taking part in the Free Burma Fast. Young people were the
backbone of the public demonstrations of 1988 that swept away the rule of
the Burma Socialist Program Party. The movement for democracy in Burma
emerged from those demonstrations, in which many students lost their lives.
It is then most fitting that students should be taking up the cause of the
as-yet uncompleted democratic revolution of my country.

There is a great need for the world to know that the people of Burma are
suffering from continuous repression and injustice. Democracy activists,
including students, continue to be arrested. They are subjected to farcical
trials, and condemned to long terms in prison. The conditions under which
political prisoners are kept in Burma are appalling, and few emerge from
incarceration with their health intact. Organizers and members of my
political party, the National League for Democracy, are harassed and
threatened every day by the authorities.

We want Burma to be free and prosperous. We are not anti-business, but we
oppose investment in Burma today because our real malady is not economic
but political. What we are really suffering from is not lack of investment
or infrastructure, but misgovernance.  Until we have a system that
guarantees rule of law and basic democratic institutions, no amount of aid
or investment will benefit our people. Profits from business enterprises
will merely go towards enriching a small, already very privileged elite.
Companies such as UNOCAL and Pepsi, ARCO, and Texaco only serve to prolong
the agony of my country by encouraging the present military regime to
persevere in its intransigence.

The Free Burma fast will help to focus attention on the essentially
peaceful nature of the quest for democracy in Burma. It is reminiscent of
the "Satyagraha"  truth-force campaign with which Mahatma Gandhi set the
very foundations of the British Indian empire rocking. Your action could
well release an international truth force that will join the current of our
struggle for democracy in Burma.

I would like to thank all of you who are participating in the fast, in
particular the American and Canadian students who have done so much for the
Free Burma campaign.

Victory will surely be ours, because our cause is just.

**************************************************************

STATEMENT: PROTEST BY ABSL AGAINST UNHCR'S MALTREAMENT
September 20, 1996
From: S_AUNG@tom.unv.ernet.in

Memorandum To:
Mr. Dennis Mcnamara
Director, Protection Division
UNHCR, Geneva
Switzerland.

In the wake of the military crack down on peaceful demonstrations in Burma,
thousands of pro-democracy activists fled to the neighboring countries -
India, Thailand and Bangladesh.

In October, 1988, the Government of India set up (3) refugee camps (Two
in Mizoram and one camp in Manipur) for Burmese pro-democracy
activists who reached Indo-Burma border to take refuge. Though State
government provided daily rations, there were neither health care nor
medical supply for campers. Besides, warm clothing and blankets were not
adequate enough among the campers so that we had to join various types
of manual jobs to sort out the said problems. The most serious problem
was lack of security in the camps. For example, the Champhai camp is
located merely 7kms from the border. One camp leader was mercilessly
beaten to death by unidentified persons in 1990 and two capers were taken
into Burma by SLORC soldiers in early 1991. Later they were tortured to
dead in the army camp.

Camp life was so monotonous and lack of freedom that in mid-1990
campers started leaving the camp. They also suffered from depression and
frustration in the camps. However, it was very difficult for non-professional 
peoples like Burmese students and youth to get even meager jobs for their 
livelihoods in Mizoram State. So that refugee status from UNHCR in New Delhi.

Now total numbers of Burmese refugees recognized as "persons of concern" of 
UNHCR is about 300. Majority of them are being provided a monthly subsistence 
allowance of Rs.1200 per month per person by the UNHCR office in New Delhi. 
However, a dependent person receives only 500/- Rs per month. It is very 
unreasonable and illogical. Also many of our colleagues have been refused to 
recognize as persons of concern after several interviews. Some applicants
have to 
wait for almost one year. But the result was simply no for some  of them.

The attitude of the UNHCR towards Burmese refugees has changed since 1993. 
Some of the UNHCR officials in New Delhi have been utterly inhuman in their 
attitude and treatment towards refugees who are under their protection. Though 
we were treated like sub-human or criminals, we had to swallow our pride and 
dignity for the sake of fellow refugees and for our survival in this alien land.

In April-May 1996, some Burmese nationals whose cases were turned down by 
UNHCR staged an indefinite hunger strike in front of the UNHCR office in New 
Delhi. However the UNHCR's officials did not offer a satisfactory solution.
Instead 
the officials brought Delhi police who mercilessly beat Burmese refugees who 
were undergoing hunger strike. Later, they were forced to return to the
Indo-Burma 
border. The UNHCR assured that the Ministry of External Affairs of India would 
not push back Burmese refugees to Burma.

However, contrary to this UNHCR's assurance, the Mizoram state government made 
an official announcement in August, 1996, which said Burmese nationalities must 
leave Mizoram before August 13 or will be rewarded heavy punishment. Actually, 
this was not the first time. In September, 1994 the Mizoram State Government
deported non-Mizos who were staying in Mizoram, including 10,000 Burmese
refugees. Therefore, UNHCR Delhi office's pressure on Burmese refugees to
return 
to Mizoram seems to be ill-motivated and contrary to the objectives and
principles 
of UNHCR.

Moreover, since July of this year, UNHCR officials have been verbally informing 
to Burmese refugees that UNHCR will terminate the monthly financial assistance 
of Rs.1200 from October, 1996 onwards. But without having adequate 
professional skills or proper training, no one can get job in this already over 
populated countries. Therefore, we cannot sustain our day-to-day life in New 
Delhi without this subsistence allowance provided by UNHCR. Thus UNHCR 
cannot shirk its responsibilities towards refugees unless alternate protective 
measures are taken for refugees whose Subsistence Allowance is said to be 
terminated.

Finally, we would like to request you to reform the attitude of some
officials in 
New Delhi office of UNHCR and educate them to treat refugees with compassion 
and dignity.

Our demands

1.   UNHCR's officials in New Delhi office should treat its persons of
concern with 
compassion and dignity in accordance with its principles.

2.   UNHCR's officials should accept that it is untimely to terminate financial 
assistance to Burmese refugees who have never been provided adequate 
professional or proper training.

3.   Appointment time for newly applicants should be scheduled as soon as 
possible and results should be come out without delay.

4.   Those who have been recognized as persons of concern of UNHCR studying 
further education outside Delhi should be assisted rather than cutting of their
Subsistence Allowance.

5.   Since Lump sum amount (15,000/- Rs. per person) is not enough for a proper 
self-reliance program, UNHCR should reconsider its pressure on refugees to 
give up their Subsistence Allowance and withdraw one time-grant (Lump Sum). 
We view that it will make more trouble for refugees.

6.   As the basic commodities are skyrocketing (At least 5 times higher than
1990), 
Subsistence Allowance should be increased from 1200/- Rs. per person per month 
to 2500/- Rs.

7.   The cases of UNHCR's recognized Burmese refugees who were not provided 
Subsistence Allowance and those who were rejected should be reviewed and 
reconsidered.

Signed/-
Burmese refugees in India 

1.   Mr. Min Nang             Bu-54  
2.   Hla Saw                    --
3.   Benjamin Seng Nung         --  
4.   Myint Aye                   Bu-187
5.   Aung Dun                   Bu-180
6.   Za Kup Mang              Bu-220
7.   Shar Aung                  Bu-12
8.   Sehu                          Bu-228
9.   Nan Oo                   Bu-197
10.  Myint Thein              Bu-171
11.  Sanpai                   Bu-186
12.  Khin Mg Yee              Bu-40
13.  Lai Lian Thara           Bu-
14.  Lal Laum Thang           Bu-173
15.  Kyaw Than                Bu-3
16.  Sang Zel                 Bu-262
17.  Thein Myint              Bu-86
18.  Win Aung                 Bu-19
19.  Soe Aung                 Bu-200
20.  Kyo Nyo                  Bu-8 
21.  Soe Myint                Bu-127
22.  Aye Ko                   Bu-241
23.  Khar Mang                Bu-217
24.  Nyi Nyi Lwin             Bu-9
25.  Za San Oo                Bu-85
26.  Mal Saun Liane           Bu-80
27.  Tuan Sang                Bu-208
28.  Biak Kung                Bu-248
29.  Bawi Lian                Bu-250
30.  Zo Zum                   Bu-74
31.  Val Tial Tuan Hre        Bu-144
32.  Biak Vum                 Bu-155
33.  Mang Za Ming             R-4590
34.  Khawliannghawra            --
35.  Tuan Tawk Luai             --
36.  Ngun Ceu                 Bu-150
37.  B.S. Tin Mang            Bu-132
38.  Mah Iang                 Bu-194
39.  Pa Hniang                Bu-264
40.  Melisa                   R-4017
41.  Mang Ceu                 Bu-223
42.  Sui Chin                 Bu-226
43.  Sung Zi                  
44.  Khuang Cin Par           Bu-140
45.  Victor Biak Lian         Bu-83
46.  C. Lian Khuma            Bu-123
47.  Aye Win                  R-4036
48.  Khual Chung              Bu-257
49.  Za Khar                  Bu-276
50.  Shin Indasara            R-4502
51.  U Sandawara              Bu-174
52.  Ba Aung                  Bu-59
53.  Moe Choke                Bu-21
54.  John Biak Lung           R-6432
55.  James Cung Cung
56.  Lai Lian Thang           R-3883
57.  Zabik                    R-4541
58.  Lung Thang               R-4595
59.  Kan Thing                Bu-262
60.  Dehu                     Bu-228
61.  Sa Lia Ta Dung Mang      Bu-210
62.  John Kip       
63.  Zonunmawi                Bu-130
64.  Maung Aung Kyaw          Bu-119
65.  No Kio Bik               Bu-112
66.  Salai Thawng Lian        R-
67.  Tial Aui Sang             --
68.  Salai Van Kip Thang      Bu-11
69.  Salai Owis Duli Ceu      Bu-192
70.  Salai H.Vung             
71.  Maung Chun Khar
72.  Salai Sang Zel           Bu-262
73.  Awng Wa                  Bu-218
74.  Awng Lawt
75.  Seng Awng                R-
76.  Aung Aung                R-4070
77.  Mr. Mang                 Bu-189
78.  Salai Samuel
79.  Thla Ceu Lian
80.  Hram Nei Luai            Bu-167
81.  Ral Bawi                 R-4645
82.  Tiul Par                 Bu-227
83.  Thang Lian               Bu-68
84.  Let Lam                  Bu-252
85.  Thang Le                 Bu-
86.  Tin Maung Oo             Bu-58
87.  Mung Aung Kyaw           Bu-201
88.  Soe Win                  Bu-58
89.  Tun Tun Oo               Bu- 22
90.  Min Min Tun              Bu- 22

**********************************************************

THE NATION: YOUNG STILL SING SONGS OF RESISTANCE
September 20, 1996

In 1950,  then prime minister U Nu sent Burmese troops to Shan state to
counter the CIA-backed Kuomingtang invasion. Four decades later and the
soldiers are still there.

For the Shans it became a threat to their sovereignty and many joined the
armed resistance and underground groups to fight for equal rights, autonomy
and also to liberate the Shan state.

Many suffered under the military rule.

Forced labor, rampant killings, looting, and rape cases are not new
occurrences in the Shan state; they have been taking place since the Burmese
army first set foot there.

But their predicament worsened after the present regime staged a bloody coup
in 1988. Even by the appalling standards of their successors, the Burmese
army have shocked the remaining Shans with their cruelty.

But the Shan resistance group received a big blow when the warlord Khun Sa
reached a deal with the ruling generals and turned over his troops to the
central government.

Khun Sa's "surrender" however didn't kill the Shan movement. "Now the evils
are gone. We will regroup our troops to fight the military," said a former
Shan rebel.

In the last three months, Slorc troops have been ambushed at least 10 times
in Shan state by soldiers of the Shan United Revolutionary Army [SURA] led
by Yord Serk. Yord Serk, who appeared at Khun Sa's "surrendering ceremony"
at Ho Mong in January but later disappeared, controls almost 1,000 Shan
soldiers adept at guerrilla warfare in various parts of Shan state.

At present, there are three factions fighting against the junta. These are
led by Yord Serk, Lt-Col Karn Yord and Khun Sa's adopted son, Sai Loen Kham,
who is based near Laos border.

Currently, Karn Yord, 33 is the most best-known Shan fighter. He commands
approximately 5,000 troops and  is believed to have established a base near
Hsipaw, in the northern Shan state. 
He studied history at Taunggyi college before he joining the resistance
movement. But even since high school student, he has been a Shan activist.
In 1978, he attended political and military affairs training program
arranged by the Shan State Army [SSA] in the jungle. 

In 1984, Karn Yord went underground and joined the armed resistance group.
His determination and leadership qualities enable him to become a military
administrator and political organizer at Murng Kerng, Lai Kha, Parng Long
and Loi Lem in central Shan state. In 1992, he was transferred to Ho Mong
headquarters and was promoted as deputy commander of the 16th brigade. 

But in 1995 Karn Yord surprised many in MTA, including Khun Sa - who later
said: "Karn Yord broke my heart by breaking away from MTA with his men and
forming a new Shan organization, the Shan State national Army.

He later justified his revolt, saying that: "In the MTA, there are several
cases of injustice, discrimination, humiliation, negligence, arbitrary
killings of soldiers and civilians." 

Many former MTA soldiers joined the SSNA. In addition, some Shan leaders who
earlier criticized Karn Yord for his mutiny praise him now. Karn Yord is
currently Secretary-General of the SSNA.

But the SSNA has reached a unofficial cease-fire deal with the ruling junta in
early 1996. It is said that Lt Gen Khin Nyunt offered the SSNA 1,000,000
kyats . 

But many Shans, including those who had never seen him, admire and have
faith in Karn Yord. "We believe in him - sooner or later he will challenge
the military," Said Sai Linn. It was reported that the leaders of different
Shan factions, met in Chiang Mai last month to forge a new alliance to fight
for an independent Shan State.

Even in construction sites in Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai some Shan youth
still sing Shan revolutionary songs. One line goes: "We will continue to
struggle to liberate our Shan state."

As a Shan who has been working in Chiang Mai said: "If I need to go there
and fight, I will join them." 

There is no doubt that if the Shan revolution gains momentum many
Shans will again join the movement. "We are willing to support them in any
way, even if we cannot go there and fight," he said. 

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