-------------------------- BurmaNet -------------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: July 16, 1996 
Issue #467

Noted in Passing: 
                           Some people say we are anti-business and against 
                businessmen . . . this is not true,said DAASK(see: 
                STRAITS TIMES: ASSK DENIES SHE IS AGAINST 
                BUSINESS) 
HEADLINES:
=========
ASSK: SATURDAY SPEECH, JULY 13
UPI: ASEAN OPPOSES BURMA ISOLATION
REUTER: ASEAN SEES NO MORALITY PROBLEM 
THE NATION: SPECTRE OF STH. AFRICA CONFRONTS RANGOON
STRAITS TIMES: ASSK DENIES SHE IS AGAINST BUSINESS 
AM. ISSUES: BURMA BAN THE BEST WAY TO GO?
SLORC/AFP: SLORC LECTURES JOURNALISTS--TWO VIEWS
HKS: BURMESE MEDIA SAYS DIPLOMAT DIED OF DESTINY
FDHR: BURMA ARMY, WHERE TO NOW ?
DP:LETTER- WORLD MUST PROTEST ATROCITIES IN MYANMAR
KYEMON: "IF YOU'RE BRAZEN ENOUGH"
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

ASSK: SATURDAY SPEECH, JULY 13
July 15, 1996
From: <strider@igc.apc.org>

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi ended her 4:00pm speech on Saturday, July 13 
with: "I was asked to say a few words in English about what we have been 
discussingat this meeting today."

"First of all, I answered questions which came up from the people.  
There were different types of questions but there was one very interesting 
 one which came from the Sagaing Division.  This came with a number of 
photographs and it is about forced labor.  It was from a young student in 
Monywa and he explained about the forced labor projects in which all 
the people in his area had to take part and he sent photographs showing 
how hard they had to work.  He also sent a so-called "invitation" to take 
part in this labor project.  It said "Invitation" on top.  "Invitation to take

part in voluntary work," is what it said.  But, in fact, in said later that if

they failed to turn up they would  be punished.  So you can see that forced 
labor is quite different from voluntary labor.  If it were really voluntary, 
there would be no need to threaten punishment to those who do not come.  
And also, at the end of the "invitation" there was a little note saying that 
all these invitations must be handed in at the voluntary labor camp.  
So this means that they were aware of the fact that it (the invitation) 
could be used as evidence that there is forced labor in Burma.

"Those of you who have followed the developments of the ILO 
(International Labor Organization) conference some weeks ago will be 
aware that Burma was accused of breaking Convention Number 29 which 
forbids forced labor.  Of course, the authorities already claim that there 
is no such thing as forced labor in Burma.  But I would like to make the 
point that these very so-called "invitations" are proof that there is forced 
labor in Burma and that many of our people are made to undertake very 
very difficult work involving much hardship against their will on pain 
of punishment should they refuse. This is why we protest against forced 
labor in Burma.

"The rest of my speech concerns Martyrs' Day, which is on the 19th of July.
Some people complain that this year there have been no arrangements to honor
Martyrs' Day.  My point is that we honor our dead leaders not by ceremonies
but by doing what they would have wished us to do.  It is not important that
there should be any formal ceremonies.  What is important is that we should
act in accordance with the principles laid down by the founding fathers of our
nation.  That, in short, is what our meeting was all about.

*********************************************************

UPI: ASEAN OPPOSES BURMA ISOLATION
July 15, 1996
From: John Scherb <mcs@primenet.com>
        
JAKARTA, Indonesia,- Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali
Alatas reaffirmed Monday the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
will continue its policy of constructive engagement toward Burma,
strongly opposing the isolation of Rangoon suggested by some Western
countries.
        
Alatas, who is chairman of the ASEAN standing committee, said
ASEAN adopted its constructive engagement policy toward Myanmar
several years ago, but he declined to go into further details.
        
He said ASEAN believes the situation in Myanmar needs to be
resolved by the Myanmarese people themselves.
        
Burma has come under international criticism for its military
junta's handling of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
        
Some western countries, including the United States, urge
international economic sanctions against Burma and keeping the
country out of ASEAN.
        
Suu Kyi supports an embargo as well as the exclusion of Burma
from ASEAN, but this has been strongly opposed by the other nations
in the region.
        
Alatas said Burma will be an observer at ASEAN's ministerial
meeting on July 20-21 in Jakarta, along with Cambodia, Laos and
Papua New Guinea. The meeting will be followed by the ASIAN Regional
Forum on July 23.
        
***********************************************************        

REUTER: ASEAN SEES NO MORALITY PROBLEM 
July 15, 1996
From: ktint@earthlink.net
By Raju Gopalakrishn

     JAKARTA, - Indonesia said on Monday there were no objections from 
any member nations to Burma being granted observer status in ASEAN 
and joining the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) security grouping.

     Foreign Minister Ali Alatas told reporters that all seven members of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the 19-member 
ARF grouping had either explicitly endorsed Burma's participation or not 
raised any objections.

     Indonesia hosts the annual ASEAN foreign ministers' meeting later 
this week and then the ARF meeting.
     The United States, which will be represented by Secretary of State
Warren Christopher at the ARF meeting, has said it will consult 
Southeast Asian nations on how to curb the Burmese military government's 
suppression of a pro-democracy movement.
     It has said economic sanctions could be one such move. Some diplomats 
have privately questioned the wisdom of allowing Burma to join a multilateral 
organisation like ASEAN when its government is accused of repression.
     
European Union foreign ministers, meeting in Brussels later on Monday,
are also expected to come under pressure to impose sanctions on Burma.
     
Alatas said any such proposal in the ASEAN meetings would be rejected.
     "We do realise that the situation in Burma is one which needs some
resolution," Alatas said. "We thought the best way was not to approach it
through the application of economic sanctions or isolating them again or
putting them in a corner publicly.
     
"ASEAN prefers to talk quietly about things that are sensitive to
certain countries. That is what we have been trying to do, talk quietly at
the ministerial level, at the lower level. This is what we are going to
continue to do. Other countries may have their own views."
    
He said Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi had written to
ASEAN heads of state asking them to intervene in the stand-off with 
Burma's military junta.
  
"At this stage, we are not yet in a position to react," Alatas said.
"We have just received it (the letter), it has just been presented to our
president."
He said Burma's admission as an observer to ASEAN was a precursor to
becoming a full member.
     
Laos and Cambodia have formally applied to join ASEAN by 1997, Alatas
said. ASEAN, which groups Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines,
Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam, will decide on the modalities at the
foreign ministers' meeting, he said.
     Also, India, China and Russia will be made dialogue partners of ASEAN,
while India and Burma will formally join ARF, taking the number of 
members in the group to 21, he said.

***********************************************************

THE NATION: SPECTRE OF STH. AFRICA CONFRONTS RANGOON
July 15, 1996

The first anniversary of Aung San Suu Kyi's release from house 
detention has signalled the end of a 12-month period in which 
little appears to have changed in Burma.

The junta remains entrenched in power, the National Convention 
which was set up to draft a new constitution remains in recess 
and there is no sign of the military government or opposition 
bridging the huge division that remains between them. Even Suu 
Kyi's so called freedom bears a remarkable resemblance to her 
detention. Apart from an open invitation to leave the country, 
the junta has refused to allow her travel far from her front gate 
or even meet her husband.

But after one year of discouraging political stasis, there are 
hints of movement, if not in in Rangoon then certainly on the 
international stage. The hope,once again, is that this will lead 
to progress - and not a showdown.

Over the last week, Asean acknowledged for the first that its 
policy of constructive engagement was not working. Still, in the 
words of Thai Foreign Minster Amnuay Viravan, the group would not 
abandon the policy, but "redouble our efforts, make it more 
constructive.

There are also growing signs of Washington's readiness to enforce 
economic sanctions against Burma if approved by the US Congress. 
US President Bill Clinton called sanctions a "useful tool" last 
week and Secretary of State Warren Christopher vowed to pursue 
the idea with Asian states.

Tortured to death
In Europe, the outrage over Burma has reached new levels 
following the death of James Leander Nichols.

Denmark's demands that the European Union implement sanctions 
against Burma have so far met resistance. Most European nations 
only want to take action as part of a UN campaign.

Comparisons between Burma and South Africa have been made since 
black nationalist leader Nelson Mandela was freed in 1990 under a 
deal that ultimately led to elections and his assumption of the 
presidency. Much of the credit for the end of apartheid in South 
Africa was given to an international campaign that isolated South 
Africa for more than two decades.

But such a campaign is unlikely to succeed in the case of Burma 
because of the strong support Rangoon receives from its Asian 
neighbours, most notably the Asean states and China.

Still the rising awareness about the abuses in Burma is raising 
the pressure on Slorc and also Asean.

Rangoon's leaders have shown a buffalo-like indifference to 
international opinion such as two years ago when it attacked 
ethnic Mons on the Thai border as Bangkok hosted an Asean summit 
that marked Rangoon's return from international isolation. Again 
in May, Rangoon arrested more than 250 NLD activists just two 
weeks after it received an invitation to attend Asean's much 
trumpeted Regional Forum.

Much at stake
But for Asean much is at stake. Its failure to handle the Burma 
issue properly could damage it enormously, not only in terms of 
credibility but also in how effective it can be in responding to 
regional problems. Burma is slated for membership in the next few 
years but at present there is surely little room for such a 
rogue, uncompromising member.

Sanctions are messy, hard to police and painful. But much the 
same can also be said for Asean's constructive engagement policy.

It is now becoming difficult for Asean to say that their passive 
implementation of the policy is not supporting the Rangoon junta. 
Asean recognition of the junta an dits adherence to its policy of 
"non-interference in the affairs of a foreign country" are 
trumpeted by Rangoon as proof of its legitimacy.

In trust Rangoon's only legitimacy has come from the barrel of a 
gun.If Asean wants to demonstrate its respect for the kind of 
power that comes from a ballot box it must follow through on its 
vow to step up the pressure on Rangoon.

It will have a good opportunity to do so, when Rangoon's leaders 
attend an Asean ministerial meeting in Jakarta with official 
observer status

*********************************************************

STRAITS TIMES: ASSK DENIES SHE IS AGAINST BUSINESS 
July 15, 1996 
From: John Scherb <mcs@primenet.com>

YANGON -- Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi denied 
that her movement was anti-business as the state-controlled media derided 
her as a puppet of the United States' Central Intelligence Agency. 

"Some people say we are anti-business and against businessmen . . . this is 
not true," the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy said 
on Saturday in one of her twice-weekly addresses at her residence. 

"We advocate the kind of business which benefits the whole country . . . the 
kind that makes people happy and satisfied," she said, adding that economic 
development promoted by the current regime endangered the moral fibre of 
the nation. 

She was responding to critics who attacked her call for a boycott on foreign 
investment in Myanmar, which she said propped up the ruling military 
junta. She said economic development was not necessarily solved all her 
country's problems. 

Her comments came amid growing signs of Washington's readiness to 
enforce economic sanctions against Myanmar if approved by the US 
Congress. 

Meanwhile, the state media accused the Nobel laureate of being a stooge of 
the CIA, which it said had meddled persistently in Myanmar's internal 
affairs since independence in 1948. 

The CIA was "forcefully promoting their decoy and puppet" in the face of 
massive public condemnation, a commentary published in all state 
controlled newspapers alleged on Saturday. 

The commentary, printed under the name Maung Pho Hmat, alleged that the 
CIA's hand could be seen behind the NLD leader, "meddling in Myanmar's 
internal affairs". -- AFP.

*************************************************************

AM. ISSUES: BURMA BAN THE BEST WAY TO GO?
July 15, 996
From: John Scherb <mcs@primenet.com>
        
           BOSTON  - Burma's opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has
        had little success persuading military rulers to come to the
        negotiating table to talk about moving toward democracy, but human
        rights activists in the United States have made significant inroads
        this year in convincing the U.S government and corporations to shun
        the repressive regime.
        
           Massachusetts recently became the first state to pass a law
        prohibiting state agencies from doing business with companies that
        operate in the Southeast Asian country, which is slightly smaller
        than the state of Texas. San Francisco and seven other U.S. cities
        have passed similar "selective purchasing" laws. The Massachusetts
        law will go into effect in September.
        
           And before the August recess, Congress is expected to vote on
        even tougher federal sanctions included in the Senate's Foreign
        Operations Appropriations Bill.
        
           The proposed federal sanctions would prohibit U.S. investments,
        ban foreign aid and require U.S. officials to vote against
        international lending to Burma and to deny entry visas to members of
        the military junta and their families.
        
           That will likely affect more than 100 multinational companies
        with investments, product distribution or employees in the country,
        which also goes by the name Myanmar.
        
           The list includes Pepsi, Texaco and Apple computers, according to
        the Investors Responsibility Research Center in Washington.
        
           Some companies, notably Levi Strauss, Liz Claiborne and Federated
        Department Stores, have already ceased operations in Burma. Pepsi
        this spring announced plans to sell its share of a bottling plant in
        the country. However, it will continue to sell its basic syrup and
        license the use of its trademark there.
        
           The U.S. divestment campaign has the support of Suu Kyi, the 1991
        Nobel Peace Prize laureate, who has repeatedly called on foreigners
        to put off investment until after a democratic transition.
        
           Yet critics say economically isolating Burma's government will
        only stymie dialogue that could lead to liberalization. They point
        to Suu Kyi's release and moves to attract foreign investment as
        signs of change in the country.
        
           "For reasons of our national interest and theirs, it is better to
        have more trade and more American investment in Burma," 
       said Thomas Vallely of the Harvard Institute for International 
       Development, who supports a more conciliatory approach.
        
           Burma's role as the world's principal supplier of illegal opium
        and heroin has been a cause of international concern. Vallely said
        drug lords have been threatening "to establish a shadow government"
        and sanctions might push Burma into their hands, and they would be
        even less democratic than the military. There is also the role
        played by China, which controls trade along a common border and is a
        key arms supplier to the Burmese military.
        
           Also, Vallely said, sanctions would not have as much effect on
        Burma as they had on South Africa because of its size. Burma has 45
        million people, about the same number as South Africa, but crowded
        into half the space. Burma's $613.4 million in exports - $67 million
        to the United States - is just a fraction of South Africa's. Burma's
        gross domestic product of $41 billion is far short of South Africa's
        $171 billion.
        
           "If our pressure on Burma succeeds in slowing growth in coming
        decades, the result...could over time condemn millions to poverty
        and ignorance on a scale far worse than anything yet seen in South
        Africa," Vallely said.
        
           The situation in Burma gained worldwide notice when the military
        government ignored the opposition's 1990 election victory, banned
        political parties and public gatherings, and arrested hundreds of
        activists.
        
           Those rights violations, and efforts by the National League for
        Democracy to end military rule, makes the Free Burma campaign one
        many Americans can embrace, said Massachusetts state Rep. Byron
        Rushing, who sponsored the new law.
        
           "In Burma you have a very organized, pro-democracy movement
        operating in a way Americans can understand," Rushing said.
        
           Some restrictions have been eased in Burma, but opinions differ
        whether it is because of attention being focused on Suu Kyi, or
        because Burma wants to increase its foreign trade.
        
           Most U.S members of the Free Burma Movement never have been to
        the country, known for its Buddhist temples, tropical forests and
        poppy fields. They organize primarily on the Internet, where Burmese
        nationalists orchestrate the movement from a terminal at the
        University of Wisconsin at Madison, one of the cities to pass
        sanctions this year.
        
           "This fight is testimony that grassroots action really works,'
        said Julia Carpenter, issues director for Citizens for Participation
        in Political Action. The Boston lobby coordinates the efforts of
        human rights activists, students, church groups and investors
        concerned with Burma's dismal human rights record.
         
**********************************************************

SLORC/AFP: SLORC LECTURES JOURNALISTS--TWO VIEWS
July 15, 1996
From: <strider@igc.apc.org>

Translated Text:   Major General Aye Kyaw, minister of information, held 
a cordial meeting with foreign correspondents [note:  Burmese stringers 
for foreign news organizations] of Myanmar [Burma] at 10.00 this morning 
at the conference hall of the Office of the Minister of Information on Bo 
Aung Kyaw Street in Yangon [Rangoon].  He spoke and discussed matters 
related to information.  Minister Maj.  Gen.  Aye Kyaw said following its 
assumption of state responsibilities, the government systematically 
formed the Foreign Correspondents Club of Myanmar [Burma] [FCCM] 
and made arrangements for their office.  He said the government recognized 
the club and conducted relations with it with respect.  The organization has 
been invited to attend state functions and arrangements were made for the 
foreign correspondents to freely report to their respective news 
agencies.  He said it is known to all how the authorities recognized the 
foreign correspondents.

He said the unique feature of the FCCM is that except for XINHUA 
correspondent, Mr. (Zhou Yung Pei), all foreign correspondents are 
Myanmar citizens.  He noted in other countries, foreign correspendents 
are foreigners who have no attachment to the countries they are assigned 
to and are loyal only to their own country.  Maj.  Gen. Aye Kyaw said 
since foreign correspondents are Myanmar citizens it is necessary that 
they be patriotic.  However, he said, the action of some journalists from 
the foreign news agencies have created some misunderstanding.  He said we 
are relentlessly working night and day to develop the country into a 
modern and developed nation according to the 12 set objectives.  He said 
it is necessary to have a clear and unbiased outlook free of subjectivity 
toward the works of the State Law and Order Restoration Council and to be 
patriotic.

He said no investigations have been carried out on the subjective work of 
some foreign correspondents.  However, he said we are aware of who they 
are.  He said he believed that members of the FCCM -- a unique 
organization formed by Myanmar citizens -- would shoulder their 
responsibilities objectively.  He called on the correspondents to discuss 
their needs, and weaknesses and strengths in collecting and dispatching 
news.

Next, U Sein Win, chairman of the FCCM and foreign correspondents who 
were present at the meeting presented their views on gathering and 
dispatching news.  The meeting ended at 11.15 after Information Minister 
Maj.  Gen.  Aye Kyaw replied on the points raised at the meeting.

End TV Myanmar text.

[Hong Kong AFP in English at on July 11 in a Rangoon datelined report, 
adds the following: 

Meeting with 17 local members of the Foreign Correspondents Club (FCC), 
Aye Kyaw said he deplored what he called biased reports sent by members 
based on false accusations against the government by the opposition.  He 
accused opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi of using the whole spectrum of 
the foreign media to attack the military government and warned there was 
limit to its patience.  He did not elaborate.  

Aye Kyaw added that there was no need for dialogue with the opposition, 
which Aung San Suu Kyi has repeatedly demanded since her release from 
six  years of house arrest a year ago.
    
"'Why do we need a dialogue when there is a National Convention...which 
is the platform for dialogue," he said.  "There's no need to discuss anything 
with us."

"You will not be doing your duty as a citizen if you write about things 
that are not true," he said, urging the journalists to report accurately 
on the situation in Burma and give credit where it was due.

Aye Kyaw said the military, despite facing numerous obstacles, was 
committed to turning Burma into a peaceful, modern and developed state 
where multi-party democracy prevailed.

We have laid down clearly defined political, economic and social 
objectives...and as a disciplined and well-trained insitution... we know 
exactly what to do and how to go about it," he said.
Burma today, the general said, was seeing spectacular changes and 
enjoying peace and stability as never before.

"We are determined to maintain this state of affairs and will see to it 
that this is not jeopardized in any way by confrontations, demonstrations 
or attempts to get people onto the streets," he said.

***********************************************************

HKS: BURMESE MEDIA SAYS DIPLOMAT DIED OF DESTINY
July 15, 1996 (abridged)
From: John Scherb <mcs@primenet.com>

RANGOON: A commentary in an official Burmese newspaper said on 
Monday an honorary consul for several European nations who died in 
jail last month was an unimportant crook who met his due fate. 

James Leander (Leo) Nichols, an unaccredited representative for Norway, 
Denmark, Finland and Switzerland, died on 22 June. Differing accounts say 
he died of a heart attack or stroke. 

Calling Nichols a ``bad-hat'', the commentary in the New Light of Myanmar 
newspaper said condemnation and demands for details of Nichols death by 
many Western nations were exaggerated. 

``I cannot find a reason why there is such exaggeration and fault-finding 
over the death of an unimportant crook,'' it said. 

``The bad-hat must have died because of destiny, as a retribution,'' it said. 
``He knew he had a disease. He took medicines...Yet he was reckless with 
food and lazy and sought luxury so it was not strange that he met his fate 
thus.'' 

The article repeated an earlier statement that Nichols was not mistreated, 
and that he had masseurs and people fanning him. 

The article gave a detailed list of pathology results from an autopsy 
conducted on Nichols. 

Among other things it said Nichols had a hardening of the arteries, 
cardiovascular disease, scarred heart muscles, contracted kidneys due to 
high blood pressure and congestion of the spleen, brain and adrenal gland. 

The author of the commentary, Byatti, said he obtained the results in an 
effort to reply to the Danish government which complained it had not 
received a full report on the cause of Nichols' death. 

The commentary warned governments not to keep harping on Nichols' 
death. 

``If they wish the bad-hat to ascend to a good abode in his next existence, 
they should not have much ado about his death,'' it said.

*********************************************************

FDHR: BURMA ARMY, WHERE TO NOW ?
July 15,1996 (Forum for Democracy and Human Rights)
From: fdhr!chan@unv.ernet.in

More soldiers turned aside from a military command to the civilian 
government. Burma Army, where to now ? 

One of the primary pillars of support to the SLORC is known to be the 
army. Gen. Ne Win has made use of Burma army to build his own power
Since then  the army was trained and proficient just to obey the orders 
of whatsoever sort they were given. The very tactics was successful due 
to the fact that administration, judiciary and everything has been of the 
military and for the military. The Generals become to think that exclusively 
they are the super-ones. It is tragic that the olive greens have no chance 
of logical perception. Likewise the civilians have been forced to adhere not 
only to so-called laws but also to oral instructions of rank and file. In fact

even an empty threat works. 

When the 26 years of marathon BSPP experience was proved to be absolute 
failure, a new group of guys try to manipulate the army again notwithstanding 
the whole country. They attempt to strengthen its physical support by
expending 
the number of soldiers twice as much. How are the new soldiers? What is the 
trend of that pillar of support?

The following is an analysis on the soldiers who have deflected voluntarily 
from a military regime, SLORC to the civilian elected government, NCGUB. 
The first batch of five turned aside four months ago and the second group of 
six in June 1996 to the western end.

Why did they join the army?

Two joined army as they loved fighting with arms ,
One was lured to join the army  
One was kidnapped by the army to join while he was doing his own 
business
Three joined army because of uneasy social lives  and
Four joined army because of poverty.

Particulars of eleven ex-soldiers

 Name                Age        Rank    Private #Unit   Service Education
1. Kyaw Moe     22      L. Corp.        825676  LIG 269 5 years Monastery 
2. Aung Win     24      Private 963398  LIG 269 1 years Class 4
3. San Oo       21      Private 996567  LIG 269 1 years Illiterate
4. Khin Maung Wa19      Private 963599  LIG 269 1 years Class 4
5. Kyaw Naing Lin18     Private 977037  LIG 269 1 years Class 7
6. Kyaw Moe Khine21     Private 996204  LIG 269 8 years Illiterate
7. Win Zaw      20      Private 911747  LIG 269 2 years +Class 6
8. Kyaw Zan     18      Private 954988  LIG 540 2 years +Class 1
9. San Lin      22      Private 959624  LIG 269 1 year -        Class 4
10. Kyaw Han    24      Private 826279  LIG 269 4 years +Class 5
11. Khin Maung Oo24     Private 772571  LIG 269 5 years Class 5
  
Why did they run away from Burma army?

A. DISCRIMINATION BETWEEN OFFICERS AND OTHER RANKS.
     * Privates are like the slaves of the seniors.
     * Officers have other ways of income such as taking money from 
     businessmen and the people.
     * Forced to obey any sort of orders such as looting from the villagers 
     and requisition of porters.
     * Punished if they could not fulfill the necessities of the officers 
     including hunting for the girls.
     * Only officers get meat tins at the front line while soldiers have to
eat 
     just boiled vegetable.
     * Relation between officers and soldiers is grave.
     * Officers are not properly punished for their offenses .

B. INSUFFICIENT SALARY.
    * The salary of a private is 600 kyat / month.
    Saving 100/-, Donation 5/-, Welfare 10/-, Unit reserve 5/-, Calendar 15/
    Rice for widows 15/-,Compulsory monthly lottery 50/-, etc. are deducted. 
    The net payment is just 400/month.
    * Soldiers have to buy their own uniforms and medicine. 
    * Food ration is also reduced by shrinking the measuring cups.

C. DO NOT ENJOY SUPPRESSION AND OVERPOWERING CIVILIANS.
     * Harassment of the people.
     * Use of forced porters.
     * Penalty, fine and/or punishment for shortage or failure of porter 
     contribution.
     * Rape and molestation of women and girls.
     * Looting private properties and food. 
     * Force the villagers to wear military uniforms while marching across 
      the risky front line.
     * Seize the land of the civilians to make new military establishments.
     * Use the free civilian labor for military constructions.
     * Order the villagers to cultivate the military farms.
     * Urged soldiers to marry Christian girls.
     * They become to learn that people hate the army.
     * Recruitment based on quota system. 

D. LACK OF LIBERTY IN THE ARMY.
    * No newspaper, no TV for ordinary soldiers.
    * If there is TV, only Myawaddy (military) channel is shown.
    * No radio. If there is radio, no BBC, no VOA, no DVB.
    * No discussion on any issue critical of the SLORC.
    * Military intelligent are sandwiched among them.
    * Retirement from army is uncertain.
    * Personal mails are usually opened or not delivered.
    * No knowledge of what is going on outside their military unit.

How do they feel here?

* We love the way we are living now.
* We do not want to hold arms again.
* We are surprised to learn how and what other people here are striving 
against.
* We realize that we have been shut our eyes and closed our ears in the 
army.
* We feel at ease by reason of the people will not hate us now.
* We would like to serve hand in hand with the people who are fighting 
against the dictatorship.
* We know there are about 50% of soldiers want to run away from the army.

************************************************************

DP:LETTER- WORLD MUST PROTEST ATROCITIES IN MYANMAR
July 7, 1996 (Denver Post)
From: U=Win%Counseling%OCC@banyan.cccd.edu

Earlier this year I visited refugee camps inside Myanmar* along its 
borders with China and Thailand, but beyond the reach of the junta's writ 
and the range of its army.  Conditions I saw there pained me immensely.  
Victims of rape, torture, murder, arson and enslavement all told the same 
tale of unbearable conditions that visited them in their villages.

Two deserters from the Burmese army who looked like 12-year-olds but 
who were actually 16 said they were regularly beaten by drunken officers, 
ordered to burn homes and granaries and rape village women they 
encountered on patrols.

In the south where Unocal, Texaco and Total Petroleum of France are 
jointly building a natural gas pipeline, ethnic Karens, Mons and Tavoyans 
have been forced out of their ancestral homelands, which stand in the path 
of the pipeline.  

Many villagers have died working under inhumane conditions clearing the 
jungles, and building roads and rail for the project.  How can American 
and other corporations be party to such unconscionable acts of violence 
all in the pursuit of profits?

Inge Sargent's traumatized life is a metaphor for my tortured homeland.  
But I have faith that the people of Myanmar will prevail in their 
nonviolent quest to tryst with destiny and realize the dream of democracy. 
The military has run out of options.  It has only its weapons to rely on 
to continue the repression of the people.

"There have always been murderers and tyrants," said Mahatma Gandhi.  
"In the end they all fall."

U Kyaw Win
Boulder

(*The editors changed Burma to Myanmar.  This letter was written in 
response to the front page piece,"Princess with a Cause," which was 
published in The Denver Post, on Sunday, 30 June 1996).

***********************************************************

KYEMON: "IF YOU'RE BRAZEN ENOUGH"
July 1,1996 (in Burmese)
From: strider@igc.apc.org
Article by Di Hlaing

[Translated Text] Western political experts have noted that Political 
Defiance [PD] is a method of bringing down dictatorial regimes; but the 
Soviet-led Eastern Bloc said that actually PD methods caused their 
disintegration.  Although Myanmar [Burma] practiced socialism, it was not 
a member of any socialist bloc and did not rely on anyone.  If powerful 
Warsaw Pact countries can disintegrate, then what of a self-reliant 
socialist state like Myanmar?
The West, using democracy development as an excuse, managed to crumble 
the East Bloc during the Cold War.  They let the countries crumble, for 
the important thing was for their allies to gain power.  Gene Sharpe 
[political expert] noted the August 1991 Russian coup led by hard-liners 
was unsuccessful because non-violent methods were the dominate methods.  
The world knew that tanks fired at the parliament building.  Right or 
wrong, is firing from tanks a nonviolent means?
PD activity, no matter how you define it -- political defiance, 
non-violent method, confrontation, power defiant policy, public struggle 
-- is to oppose, intimidate, and bring down the government without armed 
struggle.  Once the government is toppled you will gain power, you can do 
what you want to do, and you can crush the opposition, that's all.
The nation survived the socialist era with no substantial support from 
the West or the East Bloc, but after a time, it weakened.  They were also 
facing a lot of enemies -- armed and unarmed opposition, leftists and 
rightists, overt and covert local and external destructionists.  The 1988 
disturbances became a venue for the UGs [Underground Communists] and the 
PDs (political defiant persons] to try to gain power by using democracy 
as an excuse, when the socialist government was unable to control the 
country.
 If the socialist government was, shall we say, toppled by the PD method 
with the blind participation of the people, then who would be the 
government?  Who would take over power?  Who would govern Myanmar, 
which is on the verge of destruction and disintegration?  Who has the 
qualifications to govern the country?  Should we hand over power to PD 
murderers who commented on the beheadings?  Should we ask the Gay 
Association to form a government?  Or should we call on the Elementary 
Teachers Association?

Were the Four Greats -- U Nu, U Aung Gyi, U Tin Oo, and Daw Aung 
San Suu Kyi -- united at that time?  Were they able to form a government?  
The war of the Four Greats would have started there and then if only they 
had guns.

As anarchy and violence became rampant, the Defense Services had to take 
control of the country.  To whom could they hand over power?  There were 
lots of power mongers.  Gene Sharpe's method was not to accept a military 
coup and to continue the struggle so what did they do next?
They demanded elections, so elections were held.  They said the elections 
were free and fair, only because they won.  If they had lost they would 
say the military government rigged the elections.  After the elections 
there arose the problem of handing over power.  Some say that this was 
the main problem.  Yes, indeed it was.

Have you thought about what would have happened had-power been handed 
over to the National League for Democracy [NLD] after the elections?  
People from the democratic forces know that, apart from the military, how 
can a civilian government govern the country without a constitution?
Some have remarked that you become a parliamentarian one day, convene the 
parliament that same day, and the issue the Constitution [preceding word 
published in English] the next.  There is nothing more to it, so adopt 
[preceding word published in English] the Constitution [preceding word 
published in English] after legally approving [preceding word published 
in English] it, so you will be a legal government the day after tomorrow. 
 This is a very selfish idea to gain one's interest.
The NLD already has a draft constitution and they will try to approve, 
ratify, and utilize it.  They have also discussed plans to relocate the 
War Office to Indaing [about 30 miles from Rangoon] to prevent further 
coups, to oust military officers above the rank of lieutenant colonel 
from the Defense Services, to decrease the strength of the military by 25 
percent, and to become allies with the West.
The following would happen if power were handed over to the NLD:
1.      They would ratify an unknown constitution.
2.      They would control, destroy, and reform the Defense Services
 according to Gene Sharpe's methods.
3.      According to Gene Sharpe's democratic state philosophy, the military 
does not to be strong; but the people must be able to defend the country 
so pocket armies would then emerge.
4.      At that time, the end of May 1990, there were only a few armed 
insurgent groups that had made peace with the SLORC [State Law and Order 
Restoration Council].  The Defense Services were still negotiating peace 
with other groups and these peace initiatives could be jeopardized.
5.      Relations with the People's Republic of China would deteriorate 
due to the policy of heavy reliance on the West.

Furthermore, during the campaign, the NLD leaders made pledges to other 
parties and political forces, shared parliamentary seats, and let 
candidates run under the banner of the Khamauk [traditional hat and NLD 
party symbol].  Most elected representatives have also violated regulations.

The most important factor was not having a constitution.  The 
daughter-in-law (derogative reference to Aung San Suu Kyi] knew that.  
That was why the daughter-in-law made the following speech at the meeting 
between the NLD and the United Nationalities League for Democracy held at 
No. 393, first floor, Bo Aung Gyaw Road, on 15 July 1989; "The elections 
will be held after 10 months, but the matter of power transfer is not 
clear.  What I understood was that the SLORC spokesmen told foreign 
journalists that they need to ratify a constitution before handing over 
power."

The daughter-in-law knows too much.  Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself has 
accepted that it is not possible to hand over power without a 
constitution.  Why is she adamantly seeking the transfer of power?  It is 
clear, she is afraid she might not get it once the constitution is 
ratified.  Moreover, the stealthily written constitution is useless.
So the acts of the daughter-in-law's group is clear.  They are blindly 
following orders from the West, which come through her husband.  The 
people are not accepting that, they are vehemently rejecting and angrily 
opposing it.  The daughter-in-law might notice the mass rallies and then 
sense whether or not the public would accept it.  May I remind you that 
if you insist on brazenly staying, you will have to face the peoples' 
consequences.