----------------------------------BurmaNet----------------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: October 8, 1996
Issue #535

Noted in Passing:

                            SLORC is bankrupt. Its only choice is to either
                        negotiate with the Burmese democracy movement or negotiate with an
                        angry Burmese mob on the streets of Rangoon. (see: BKK POST:
                        EVIDENCE POINTS TO A BANKRUPT MILITARY REGIME)

HEADLINES:
==========
DASSK: LETTER TO BURMA #44
THE NATION: BURMA CLAIMS TO STILL HOLD 197 IN CRACKDOWN
BKK POST: SUU KYI'S TALKS IN DOUBT
THE NATION: BANHARN DIMS BURMA'S HOPES OF JOINING ASEAN
THE NATION: ASEAN LEADERS DEFEND POLICY TOWARD BURMA
BKK POST: EVIDENCE POINTS TO A BANKRUPT MILITARY REGIME
THE NATION: SLORC, NLD PATCH-UP UNLIKELY, SAY ANALYSTS
US EMBASSY RANGOON: FOREIGN ECONOMIC TRENDS REPORT THE NATION: OBLIGATIONS
OF A CIVILISED COUNTRY
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------

DASSK: LETTER TO BURMA #44
October 7, 1996 (Mainichi Daily News)
From: Carol Schlenker & Aung Thu <carol@gol.com>

MOMENTS OF CALM PROVIDE TIME FOR REFLECTION
"Strange siege"

Letter from Burma (No. 44) by Aung San Suu Kyi

As I have remarked often enough, life is certainly not dull for dissidents
in Burma.  But sometimes a little bit of dullness does not come amiss.  In
fact it provides a measure of welcome relief, time in which to stand and
stare for at least a few minutes a day.
        
The National League for Democracy decided to hold an All Burma Party
Congress on the eighth anniversary of the day when it was founded, the 27th
of September.  Now one might have thought that such an event, which is part
of the normal routine of any political party, would not have caused the
authorities to do more than perhaps cock an inquisitive eyebrow and set the
military intelligence running around busily gathering information.  One
would not have imagined that they would be rocked to the very soles of their
military boots. Well, one would have been wrong.
        
On the evening of the 26th, we received information that once again, as at
the time of our proposed conference for NLD Members of Parliament in May,
the authorities were rounding up those who were to attend the Congress.
Around half past 9 at night, army trucks started going past my house and
later, a police car or two went along the already cleared street with sirens
blaring.  It was all rather tedious and we went to sleep.  Waking up at 5
o'clock in the morning, the unusual silence told me that our road had been
blocked off.  It was not altogether a surprise.
        
At 8 o'clock, U Tin U, one of our deputy chairmen, was let through and he
told us what had been going on outside.  Our helpers, who had been scheduled
to arrive at 4 o'clock to start cooking the meal that we would be offering
to monks as a prelude to our Congress, had been prevented from entering the
street.  After some negotiation, two of our NLD women members were allowed
in to take charge of the huge pots of curry that had already been half
prepared the night before.  Soon after, our chairman U Aung Shwe and our
other deputy chairman U Kyi Maung also arrived.
        
I learned that a number of NLD members who had come for the Congress were
at the road junction not far from my house where barricades had been placed
to prevent people from entering the street.  At about 10 o'clock we decided
to walk over to them and to tell them to go to the NLD headquarters.
Walking along a street deserted except for security troops was not a new
experience for me.  It happened again and again during my campaign trips
around Burma in 1989 and 1990.  And last April, too, on Burmese New Year's
Day, we had walked down our street when it was emptied of everybody except
security personnel and members of the Union Solidarity and Development
Association armed with surreptitious batons, with which they had been
instructed to beat any members of the NLD who penetrated the barricades.
        
This time also the USDA were present, a couple of busloads of them milling
around in the public garden at the top of the road for a purpose that we
found hard to discern.  When we reached the road junction, our party members
who had been made to go to the other side of the street came over to ask us
what we wanted them to do.  We told them to go to our headquarters, and were
just about to go back home ourselves when an army officer came to ask us to
disperse.  It was a typical over-reaction, unnecessary and quite senseless,
as the crowd around us was made up largely of security personnel, uniformed
as well as in plain clothes.
        
That afternoon, after the religious ceremony to commemorate the founding of
the NLD had been completed, U Aung Shwe and I went out to see how things
were at the party headquarters.  We found that the road where the building
was situated had also been closed off.  That very evening, the landlord was
illegally forced to annul the lease and to remove the NLD signboard from the
building.  The authorities had obviously decided to take all possible steps
to prevent us from carrying out the legitimate work of a normal political party.
        
Now, nearly a week after the 27th, the road to my house continues to be
blocked off.  But U Aung Shwe, U Kyi Maung and U Tin U come over every day
and we carry on with our work.  "It is always still at the center of the
storm," U Tin U remarked.  And certainly there has been great calm in my
house even as the authorities have been arresting hundreds of our
supporters, making wild accusations against us and trying to force the
landlords of our party offices to remove NLD signboards.
        
There is the proverbial silver lining to these storm clouds of increased
official repression.  The state of semisiege provides me with an opportunity
to take a rest from the gruelling timetable that I normally follow.  I do
not have to rush through my meals, and I have even been able to spare an
hour a day for walking round and round the garden:  a wonderfully relaxing
and invigorating form of exercise in which I have not been able to indulge
for years.  This strange interlude should serve to make me fighting fit for
whatever challenges we may have to face in the future.

(This article is one of a yearlong series of letters.  The Japanese
translation appears in the Mainichi Shimbun the same day, or the previous
day in some areas.)

*****************************************************************

THE NATION: BURMA CLAIMS TO STILL HOLD 197 IN CRACKDOWN
October 8, 1996

RANGOON - Burma said yesterday that 197 people are still being held after a
crackdown in late September on supporters of pro-democracy leader Aung San
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party.

Burmese authorities had detained 573 people in the crackdown to thwart a
planned NLD party congress.

They later released most of them. The official media said yesterday that the
remaining detainees were being held at government guest houses and police
stations. Suu Kyi was unavailable for comment. (TN)

*****************************************************************

BKK POST: SUU KYI'S TALKS IN DOUBT
October 7, 1996

Barricades stayed up outside the Rangoon residence of opposition
leader Aung  San Suu Kyi for the second  successive weekend
putting her meet-the-public sessions in increasing doubt, AFP
quoted analysts as saying.

As those detained ahead of a planned National League for
Democracy (NLD) congress the previous weekend were gradually
being released, officials in Rangoon indicated that security
would only be stepped down once the situation returned to
"normality" .

Over 300 of the 557 that officials said were taken in for
questioning had been released by Saturday, according to state
media.

The NLD headquarters three kilometres from Aung San Suu Kyi's
house was still sealed off, although the road in front of the
building was reported to be open.

Whether the speeches given regularly since the NLD leader's
release from six years of house arrest in July 1995 would go
ahead in the near future, was tough to call, one Burmese observer
commented.

The talks "provided the NLD with a forum to sound off and it let
the SLORC keep an eye on what the NLD was saying. It worked both
ways," he said.

Before the junta moved to prevent the NLD congress at its
leader's house last month, thousands would gather on University
Avenue, where Aung San Suu Kyi and key  other NLD leaders would
address the  public from within her compound.

*****************************************************************

THE NATION: BANHARN DIMS BURMA'S HOPES OF JOINING ASEAN
October 8, 1996

PRIME Minister Banharn Silapa-archa said yesterday that Laos and Cambodia
will become members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean)
before Burma, which needs more time to sort out its "internal affairs".

Banharn was speaking while meeting Norwegian Prime Minister Geo Harlem
Brundtland on the first day of her official visit to Thailand. It was the
first time Thailand has revealed its latest position on Burma, which is
presently an observer of the  grouping and hopes to be granted full
membership next year.

"Thailand believes that of the three Asean observers, Laos and Cambodia will
become members first. Burma needs more time to sort out its internal
affairs. However, Asean does not support the idea of isolating Burma,"
Banharn said.

Rangoon's application for membership of the seven-member group has been
heavily crtiticised by Western counties and pro-democracy movements, as the
military junta presently controlling the country has yet to hand over power
to the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Asean has also been strongly criticised for its "constructive engagement"
policy, which encourages dialogue with Burma in order to restore democracy
to the country.

The situation become more tense recently when the military junta interfered
with NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi as she was organising a party congress and
apprehended hundreds of NLD members.

The most recent Thai position towards Burma is in contrast to that of
Indonesia and Malaysia, who said yesterday that Rangoon's much-criticised
human rights record should not deny it early membership to Asean.

"In discussions with the Thai premier, I voiced my country's concern on the
present situation in Burma. (Norwegians) feel Asean's so-called constructive
engagement policy is not sufficient as we do not see any clear results,"
Brundtland said. "We hope that the process that lies ahead of us will make
real changes to the situation (in Burma). We would like to put more pressure
on the military regime there to respect free and fair elections and to
engage in dialogue to respect human rights more than they presently do."

The Norwegian prime minister said her government will donate US$400,000 (Bt
10 million) to help Burmese refugees through the Burma Border Consortium and
Norwegian Church Aid.

Criticising the constructive engagement policy, Brundtland said that it has
contributed no clear results and her country was becoming increasingly
impatient with its lack of progress. She repeated the Western call to isolate
Burma while referring to the mysterious death of an honorary consul general
to Norway, who died in prison after being jailed for illegal use of phones
and fax machines. Norway has called for Slorc to look into the case to
determine the actual cause of death, she said. 

*****************************************************************

THE NATION: ASEAN LEADERS DEFEND POLICY TOWARDS BURMA
October 8, 1996

KUALA LUMPUR - Indonesia and Malaysia have defended the "constructive
engagement" policy held by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(Asean) towards Burma, saying Rangoon's much criticised human rights record
should not deny it early membership in the grouping.

Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and visiting Indonesian President
Suharto agreed that Burma should not be isolated.

"Why should Asean adopt a rule which other international organisations do
not practise?" Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas said after a meeting
between the two leaders. Suharto arrived on Sunday for a 24-hour working
visit aimed at enhancing bilateral ties.

Alatas said Asean should not be looking at the internal political situation
of a particular country to judge its qualification for membership. "Don't
ask Asean to do what is not accepted by others," Alatas said, adding that
even the United Nations, which ideologies, had o such criteria for membership.

Alatas was asked to comment on an apparent split in Asean reaction towards
Burma following last week's military clampdown by the Burmese military
junta. Philippine President Fidel Ramos has asked Asean to review its policy
towards Burma at its summit in Jakarta on Nov 30.

"As far as (Burma's) membership in Asean is concerned, Indonesia and
Malaysia are of the same stand," Alatas said, adding that for Asean as a
whole, in so far as Burma's entry as Asean's 10th member is concerned there
is no problem. "It is a question of timing," Alatas reiterated.

We are ready to take (Burma) any time. But let them follow the technical
procedures," Alatas said, alluding to the technical adjustments Burma have
to make to cut tariffs under Asean's Free Trade Area programme.

At a separate briefing earlier yesterday, Malaysia's Foreign Minister
Abdullah Badawi said both leaders had stressed the process of constructive
engagement must continue. Asean, which groups  Malaysia and Indonesia with
Brunei, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam, has rejected
efforts by many Western countries to isolate Burma, preferring to gently
prod Burma into improving its human rights record. Abdullah said both
leaders also agreed that Burma should not be isolated or belittled.

"Asean has a lot of experience in developing and improving the livelihood of
the people, and this experience could benefit (Burma)," Abdullah said.

Abdullah said both leaders agreed that "the process of dialogue, the
constructive engagement approach, must go on," but he said no date has been
fixed for Burma's full membership in Asean.

Malaysia wants Burma, which was accorded observer status in Asean in July,
to join the grouping along with Laos and Cambodia next year, when Kuala
Lumpur hosts Asean's ministerial meetings.

Asean secretary-general Ajit Singh will visit Burma next month to prepare
for Rangoon's membership in the organisation. (TN)

*****************************************************************

BKK POST: EVIDENCE POINTS TO A BANKRUPT MILITARY REGIME
October 8, 1996

Slorc's economic development strategy is to aggressively develop the
agriculture sector. Its five-year economic plan projects that 3 million tons
of rice exports annually with generate $1.3 billion in hard currency.

The five-year economic development plan also has the following objectives:
To put 6 million acres under edible oil crops, raise per acre yields to 45
baskets for groundnut, 10 baskets for sesame, and 25 baskets for sunflower;
To put 8 million acres under bean, increase the expert of beans and pulses
to 2 million tons, and achieve per acre yields of 12 baskets;
To increase cotton cultivation to 3 million acres;
To increase sugar cane cultivation to 300,000 acres and export 40,000 tons
of sugar cane;
To increase rubber cultivation to 500,000 acres; and
To maintain jute cultivation at 125,000 acres and increase per acre yields
to 300 viss.

The most important sector of Slorc's economic development plan is rice
exports. In 1994 Slorc exported 1 million tons of rice. In 1995 it
contracted to export 1.5 million tons, but was able to export only 400,000 tons.

This year Slorc might have to even import rice to feed the Burmese people.
This is the reason why Slorc defaulted on $27.31 million in oil payments to
Mitsui (Financial Times, September 19). Mitsui also announced it would no
longer deliver oil to Slorc. This prompted petrol prices in Rangoon to jump
from 200 kyat/gallon to 500 kyat.

I have often wondered why Slorc Economic Planning Minister David Abel was so
sensitive when the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank accused
Slorc of keeping bad books.

Now I know why. Slorc is bankrupt. If it can't pay $30 million to Mitsui, it
doesn't have $600 million in foreign exchange reserves as it has been
pretending.

If Slorc's hard currency reserves are almost zero, it means the Foreign
Exchange Certificates (FECs) it has been circulating are basically worthless
(15 per cent of the money in circulation in Burma is in the from of FECs).

Needless to say, the Burmese kyat will soon be declared worthless.

Slorc recently announced it had made "a pre-emptive move to prevent unrest
and anarchy".

Hundreds of heavily armed troops manned roadblocks on University Avenue
because Slorc is afraid of nationwide riots precipitated by soaring rice and
petrol prices. These actions clearly indicate that Slorc is desperate and
will soon implode.

Slorc is refusing to transfer power not for political reason but for
economic reasons. Corruption has made its officials filthy rich and they are
very reluctant to give up their corrupt and very lucrative ways.

Slorc will soon have to face up to this hard reality. It is bankrupt.

Its only choice is to either negotiate with the Burmese democracy movement
or negotiate with an angry Burmese mob on the streets of Rangoon. 

****************************************************************

THE NATION: SLORC, NLD PATCH-UP UNLIKELY, SAY ANALYSTS
October 7, 1996

RANGOON - Little forward movement is seen in the stand off
between the defiant opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the
Burmese military government after the recent spate of arrests and
war of words, analysts said.

"I am very sad for our country, what is going to happen?" said
one former Burmese ambassador. "If only there can be some sort of
middle ground, a reconciliation between them, maybe the country
could work. But both sides are too stubborn."

His remarks echoed similar comments made by diplomats who see few
political changes taking place in Burma, with democracy unlikely
to arrive until the military government or Suu Kyi, or both, make
concessions.

"The best thing that could have happened would have been if Suu
Kyi had taken advantage of all the confusion over the past week
and offered some sort of power-sharing deal," one diplomat said.
"Then maybe - they could have sat down to talk."

"We've had 14 months of poison. It's very  dangerous now, and has
reached the crunch point," the diplomat said.

But the likelihood of discussions between ' the ruling military
body, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) and Suu
Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party seems farther off
an ever.

A fresh crackdown against Suu Kyi's I democracy movement, the
worst in years, has again brought the issue to the forefront. 

The authorities arrested up to 800 NLD members or supporters
and blocked access to Suu Kyi's Rangoon residence to prevent.  a
party congress planned for September  27-29.

The blockades effectively stopped the  party meeting from taking
place and have  also halted the Nobel Peace laureate's popular 
weekend speeches to supporters from
her front gates.

The arrests also incurred the wrath of the United States.
President Bill Clinton slapped a travel ban on Burmese government
leaders and their families, Rangoon retaliated with a ban on
entry to certain categories of US citizens.

Last week, Suu Kyi lashed out at Slorc and vowed to hold a party
meeting in future - again without asking permission. She said she
had asked the government to sit down for discussions, but had
been told the time was not yet right.

Since her release from six years of house arrest in July 1995,
Suu Kyi has repeatedly called on the government to negotiate the
return of democracy to Burma. She has asked Slorc to accept the
results of the 1990 general election in which her NLD party 
swept to victory.

But Slorc, which never recognised the results of the 1990 poll
and sees no need for an opposition, refused to heed Suu Kyi's
call for a dialogue.

Slorc says the only real place for negotiations is at the
National Convention - a group of hand-picked delegates who have
been meeting intermittently since 1993 to draft guidelines for a
new constitution.

Suu Kyi angered Slorc last November when she pulled her party out
of the talks, saying they did not represent the will of the
people.

Many diplomats said that could have been a mistake, as it sealed
off what appeared to be the best route for dialogue.

Applying economic pressure might be a way to push Slorc into
dialogue with Suu Kyi, as the government struggles to bring Burma
out of the least developed nation status.

Rapidly rising prices, a recent petrol crisis sparked by fears of
a hard currency shortage and political uncertainty have hurt the
government's efforts to lure foreign investors.

*****************************************************************

US EMBASSY RANGOON: FOREIGN ECONOMIC TRENDS REPORT 
June 1996 (Burma)

US GOVERNMENT ACTIVITIES AND POLICIES

The major concerns of the US government in Burma are human rights, 
democratization and counter-narcotics performance. It is the view of the
government that dialogue and political reconciliation offer the best
prospects for Burma's future.

The US government has not had an Ambassador to Burma since 1990, although it
continues to operate an embassy in Rangoon.

The US Agency for International Development closed it's mission in August
1988, during the GOB's brutal suppression of Burma's pro-democracy movement,
and the US has not for several years provided any direct bilateral financial
or material assistance of any kind to the GOB.

The only Government agency with active programs in Burma is the US
Information Agency (USIA). Among it's activities are the Burmese-language
radio broadcasts of the Voice of America, which reach a wide audience eager
for uncensored information; in 1995, the SLORC began some intermittent
jamming of VOAbroadcasts.

The US government does contribute funding for grass-roots basic human needs
programs administered by the UN Development Program (UNDP), UNICEF, the
UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and other UN agencies, as well as
crop substitution programs administered by the Drug Control Program (UNDCP).

Due to it's inability to certify the GOB as cooperating in International
efforts to 
suppress narcotics trafficking, the US Government is obliged by law to vote
against any assistance to the GOB by the World Bank or Asian Development
Bank. It is also US Government policy to seek to restrict the GOB's access
to  humanitarian financial assistance, from these institutions and the IMF,
as well as the Paris Club Debt relief, due in part to concerns about the
GOB's excessive military expenditures, it's lack of macro-economic
transparency, and it's violation of human rights including the right of
people to choose it's own government.

Due to the concerns about the GOB's abuses of human rights, including workers 
rights and the rights of people to choose their own government, and about it's 
failure to cooperate against international narcotic trafficking, the US
government does not encourage trade with or investment in Burma by US firms
and nationals, although it does not prohibit such trade or investment. 

Since January 1, 1991, or earlier:

- The US government does not grant to imports of Burmese origin the GSP 
(Generalized System of Preferences) preferences that it commonly grants to
imports from lower income countries.

- The US government, have declined to renew it's bilateral textile and garment
agreement with the GOB, sets Burma's textile import quotas unilaterally,
constrained only by domestic law and World Trade organization (WTO) treaty
obligations.

- The Export-Import Bank of the United States, a parapublic institution,
does not
provide in support of US exports to Burma, the preferential financing that it
commonly provides in support of US exports to other countries

- The US Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), a parapublic
financial institution, does not provide any financial services in support of
US investor in Burma; and

- The Us government, along with a number of other governments, including the 
member governments of the European Union, does not approve licenses to
export arms to Burma.

The US Department of Commerce's Foreign Commercial Service has no employees
in Burma. The American Embassy Rangoon doe not organize, participate in,
promote, or encourage private participation in any commercial events in
Burma or in the US. The Embassy also does not initiate market research
reports to identify commercial opportunities for US businesses. The
Embassies commercial activities are limited to responding to specific
requests for  information and assistance, except  as may be required by law
and regulation.

However, the US government continues to extend most favored nation treatment
to imports from Burma, which is a member of the WTO. Furthermore, American
Embassy Rangoon, in conformity with global US Government foreign affairs
regulations and standard procedures, continues:

- To report to the US Department of Commerce, for public dissemination to US
businesses, public GOB announcements of opportunities to sell merchandise
(usually capital goods) or services to the GOB; and

- To provide information about US markets, and conditions of access to US
markets including tariffs and quotas, in response from requests from Burmese
and third country nationals interested in exporting to the US.

*****************************************************************

THE NATION: OBLIGATIONS OF A CIVILISED COUNTRY
October 7, 1996

Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland and key foreign policy makers
in her Cabinet explain why it is important for Norway and other nations to
care about human rights abuses. Than Poopat reports.

WHY should Western countries be so concerned about the relative lack of
human rights or political freedom in faraway countries like Burma? This is
kind of question most often asked by Asean leaders every time the Southeast
Asian grouping's "constructive engagement" policy wit Rangoon is raised by
their Western counterparts.

Visiting Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland and her government
seem to have a strong argument to what Norway describes as the right and
obligation of responsible members of the international community to not only
show concern for human rights issues but also to try to bring about positive
changes.

"I understand why the governments and people of Asia will question why these
issues are raised," Brundtland said in a recent interview with a group of
Asian journalists in Oslo.

"But my questions is why shouldn't there be an open-mined and respectful
discussion about how to promote human values, such as human tights and
political freedom, which I believe most people could agree to."

She said the Norwegian foreign policy seeks, among other main objectives, to
promote such universally accepted human values as the effort to improve
international protection of the rights of the individual and of people
exposed to injustice, with the emphasis on:

- The extension of international norms and commitments concerning human
rights, and international monitoring to ensure that they are complied with.

- Active engagement on behalf of the world's refugees.

- Continuing Norway's work internationally for equal rights and the
improvement of women's conditions, and safeguarding the human rights of
disabled people.

"That's why we have been trying all the time to make our voice heard about
our concern of the violation of human rights in Burma, bilaterally with each
Asean country, and directly whenever we can to the Burmese government,"
Brundtland said, referring to Asean's "constructive engagement" policy.

Norway has been one of the most vocal critics of the repressive military
junta in Rangoon, which has been arresting critics restricting political
freedom to perpetuate its grip on power for several years.

The Scandinavian country has since imposed unilateral sanctions against
Burma by discouraging Norwegian businesses from trading with or investing in
Burma as well as withholding development aid after its efforts to persuade
the ruling Slorc to improve the human rights situation were repeatedly rejected.

Norway is now calling for the international community to exert greater
pressure, possibly through trade sanctions against Burma, to force Slorc to
show greater respect for human rights and restore democratic rule in the
country.

But Asean has countered what Western countries are trying to impose their
own, inappropriate values on an Asian country are trying to  impose their
own, in appropriate values on an Asian country, and maintains that its
"constructive engagement" policy to gently persuade Burma toward greater
respect for human rights is a better way to achieve that same result.

"But we feel the process (Asean's constructive engagement) would take a
little too long and we feel that the current situation is not in anyway
acceptable," Brundtland said.

However, the Norwegian government is also ready to admit that it is not
just a matter of an ideological point of view in promoting greater respect
of human rights in other countries.

Trade Minster Grete Knudsen said Norway has the right to be concerned about
human rights problems in faraway countries because it is having problems
integrating the thousands of refugees, asylum - seekers and immigrant that
arrive every year.

Wars, human rights abuses and poverty in other countries are the main
reasons why an increasing number of people leave their home countries in
search of a better life in another country.

"Arbitrary arrest, torture by governments are not acceptable practices in
the international community. And we ask Asean to show more concern about
Burma where human rights are being violated, and no political freedom is
allowed. The problem is not just Burma's domestic concern. It's an
international concern," State Secretary Jan Egeland of the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs said.

To promote international concern for human rights, Norway is also a strong
advocate of international peace and international cooperation through the
United Nations and other international organisations, he said.

The Nobel Peace Prize is awarded in December every year in Oslo. An
independent committee, appointed by the Norwegian national assembly, decides
who is to receive the award.

Norway has played an instrumental role in international peace efforts. The
Norwegian government organised a series of secret negotiations in Oslo
between Israel and Palestine in 1992 and 1993 leading to a peace agreement
between the two countries.

In the 1996 financial years, Norway, a small country of 4.3 million people,
provided about US$150(Bt 3,750) per capita in financial contributions to the
United Nations. About 55,000, or over on per cent of Norway's population,
have served in UN peace-keeping missions in all parts of the world over the
years. According to the United Nations, Norway's financial contribution per
capita to the world body is 15 times greater than that of the US, which also
has not paid its dues and accumulated massive arrears that have contributed
to the ongoing financial crisis at the UN.

The reason Norway is doing this is because the Norwegian government believes
in its obligation to promote international peace as a responsible member of
the UN and the international community, Egeland said.

"We are fed up with the excessively large amount of money (the UN and the
international community) spent on the causalities and victims of war, and
humanitarian assistance to refugees.

The money could otherwise be spent on development projects to improve
people's quality of life," the state secretary said.

In her speech to the UN General Assembly last month, Brundtland proposed the
creation of  anew UN "preventive diplomacy" fund to allow the UN to send
experienced diplomats and negotiators to trouble spots to prevent or control
escalation of armed conflict as part of the effort to minimise casualties of
war.

She pledged several million dollars a year in Norwegian contributions to
this fund.

Many will be surprised to learn that even in Norway there are some human
rights problems. "Even in Norway we have human right problems about
immigrants and Sami people in the North, complaining about their human
rights being violated," Egeland said.

"We feel it is the obligation of a civilised country to be concerned about
human rights in our own country as well as in other countries," he said.

Egeland said the fact that Asian countries have become stronger economically
should be reflected in their greater role in international politics by,
among other things, contributing more financially to the UN in pushing for
world peace, international development and human rights.

Some industrialised Asian countries, particularly Japan, have increased
their contribution to the UN to promote international cooperation, he said.

Brundtland said she would also discuss with her Thai counterpart, Prime
Minister Banharn Slipa-archa, other international issues, including Norway's
objection to the attempt by some Western countries to link trade with labour
standards and human rights at the World Trade Organisation meeting in
Singapore in December.

Asean has already made known its intention to resist the attempt by the US
and EU raise "social clauses" at the upcoming WTO meeting.

Most developing countries suspect that the social clauses are an attempt to
block cheap imports from developing countries, where wages are much lower,
to protect industries in rich countries.

"WTO is not a major arena for environmental discussion. This is a trade
organization. We try to avoid pushing for too quick or too drastic changes
skipping the natural process that may need some more time," said Brundtland.

The Norwegian prime minister said Norway wants to contribute to finding
solutions, not confrontation, and that there will always be a basis for
dialogue and discussion on these questions outside the WTO framework.

"We don't want to have anything to do with protectionism. Our concern is in
advancement of the cause of human rights and looking forward to what is a
long-term positive development pattern," she said.

Brundtland said Norway was trying to promote and help develop an
internationally accepted norm within which members of the international
community can trade and work together smoothly - with due respect to
difference in cultures, and social and economic conditions. (TN)

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