Subject: CND-EP Weekly Posting, January 5, 1991

From: CND-EP <[email-masked]>
Date: Sat, 5 Jan 91 21:22:01 -0500

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=====================  Europe / Pacific Section (CND-EP)  =====================
				January 5, 1991
 
---------------------------- Table of Contents ---------------------------
No. Subject                                                     # of Lines

1. Hong Kong Millionaires Anxious to Emigrate to U.S. ..................25

2. Family Ties in Mainland China Politics ..............................75
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1. Hong Kong Millionaires Anxious to Emigrate to U.S.
====================================================================(25 lines)
>From: "Charles P. Mok  02-Jan-1991 0001" <[email-masked]>

	HONG KONG (UPI) -- The U.S. Consulate advised impatient Hong Kong
millionaires Thursday how to start lining up to receive immigrant visas to the
United States in return for $1 million investments in U.S. ventures.

	The trade-off policy was contained in the immigration law that became
effective in November and applied to not only to potential Hong Kong
immigrants but to any aliens with $1 million to invest, a consulate spokesman
said.

	Tens of thousands of Hong Kong Chinese have sought immigration papers
to the United States, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom and other
countries in the face of the British colony's scheduled 1997 return to Chinese
sovereignty. A number of other countries have announced policies granting
visas in return for a minimum amount of investment.

	The consulate announced potential investors must file a form entitled
``Request for Determination that Prospective Immigrant is an Investor'' with
the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service Center responsible for the
area into which the money will go. The form will help determine the priority
in which the investor will receive a visa, which will not be issued until the
start of the 1992 fiscal year next October.

	The consulate said the investment must be in a U.S. venture that
employs 10 or more American workers. The spokesman said the priority was
required because the number of visas were limited.
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2. Family Ties in Mainland China Politics
====================================================================(75 lines)
>From: [email-masked] Mon Dec 31 12:31:37 1990
Source: U.S. News (December 31th, 1990), by Susan V. Lawrence

Although he is still a strpling alongside China's octogenarian rulers, 54-year
-old Li Tieying is very much an equal: The youngest member of the powerful
Communist Party Politburo, the country's highest-ranking education official
and a chief architect of national media and sports policies. But Li started
life with a peculiar advantage. He is a son of Deng Xiaoping's first wife and
-according to romantic gossip that has persisted for five decades-possibly of
China's political patriarch himeself.

Li is only one among dozens of the now-middle-aged progeny of old
revolutionaries who will help to decide whether China embraces swifter
economic and political reforms or retreats toward further hardline
retrenchment after Deng dies. Some of them, such as Henan province Vice
Governor Liu Yuan-a son of former President Liu Shaoqi-have abilities that
probably would have carried them to high positions regardless of their
parentage. Others are considerde mediocre at best, but they, too, are likely
to remain in China's top ranks largely because they were born into the right
families.

If Li continues his rise, it will be the partly because he is the right age
(relatively young by Chinese leadership standards) and has the right outlook
(sufficient ideological rigidity for hard-liners who now are trying to shape
Deng's succession). Although he is not widely popular, he has never been
linked with corruption. That also could prove to be an asset if the Communist
Party tries to rebuild its tattered image by pushing forward people who have
both clean hands and technical ability.

Having the right family unquestionably helped Li get where he is. His mother,
Jin Weiying, was divoced from Deng in early 1930s. She subsequently married
Li Weihan and gave birth to Li Tieying in 1936. That, at least, is what the
record says. But when old neighbors and friends gather to gossip after cups of
tea, some still insist "date can be fudged" and Deng is Li's real father. In
any event, there is considerable speculation that Deng's nostalgic affection
for Li's mother had much to do with her son's early political success.

Consider the office-holding clan that sprang from the late Army Marshal Ye
Jianying, who was once one of Mao's closest military associates. The marshal's
son, Ye Xuanping, is the governor of Guangdong, one of China's economic power
-house provinces. In the mid-1980s, the governor's wife Wu Xiaolan was vice
mayor of Shenzhen an important free-trade zone just across the border from
Hong Kong. The marshal's son-in-law, Zou Jiahua, is the influential minister
of state planning. The present minister of the powerful Comission of Science,
Technology and industry for National defense, Ding Henggao, is	reputed to be
a son of one of Ye's wives. Ding's wife Nie Li, who is also the daughter of
another marshal, Nie Rongzhen, is the highest-ranking woman in the Army.
Marshal Ye's daughter, Ye Chumei, is married to Zou  Jiahua, the powerful
minister of the state planning commission.

But in China's see-saw politics, family ties can be a ticket to oblivion, as
well. Vice Governor Liu Yuan, unlike the offspring of many high officials, has
experienced the depths as well as the peaks of Chinese society. Liu grew up
inside the vermilion walls of Beijiing's exclusive Zhongnanhai compound, where
the country's top Communists live and work. There, when his father was Mao's
designated successor, he rode horses and learned to drive a car. But when his
father was purged at the start of the "Cultural Revolution" in 1966, Liu was
imprisoned and then exiled to desperately poor Shanxi province. For six years
he survived by selling his blood for pocket money and eating meadow volves.
Since 1980, when Liu's father was posthumously rehabilitated, the son  has
risen rapidly from a job akin to being a clerk of small town to edge of
national politics. Liu's popularity at the local level was demonstrated in
1988 when-according to Chinese press reports-the people's deputies in Henan
insisted on adding his name to an electoral slate after complaining that
candidates nominated by the Communist Party were too few and too old.

Though many Chinese deplore nepotism, they do not shun its practical benifits.
A major source of Liu's popularity has been his ability to use family
relationships for the benifit of place he has governed. His greatest
achievement as vice mayor of Zhenzhou was getting gas lines installed to
300,000 of the city's homes. Liu had tried, but failed, to win approval for
this through regular channels. He succeeded after producing an official letter
backing the project that had been written at the instigation of Premier Li
Peng, a New Year's visitor to his mother's home.
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