Date: Mon, 1 Nov 1993 21:01:40 PST Reply-To: ccf-editor@ifcss.org Sender: China-Net From: ccf-editor@ifcss.org Subject: CCF #9311, 11/2/93: "The October 93 Russian 'Revolution'" To: Multiple recipients of list CHINA-NT ==+==+==+== C h i n e s e C o m m u n i t y F o r u m ==+==+==+=== Wednesday, November 3, 1993 (Issue No. 9311) +=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+= Chinese Community Forum (CCF) is a journal published on China-Net. CCF is dedicated to the discussion and debate on the issues related to the Chinese community. The opinions expressed here do not necessarily represent the views of the Editorial Board of CCF. Contributions to the discussions and suggestions of new topics are very much appreciated. +=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+= Table of Contents Author | # of Lines ============================================================================ 1. Russia's Crisis and Russia's Future .....................William Deng 56 2. Can We Compare Russia with TAM ............................ Yong Duan 47 3. Some "Original" Documents of Russia's October 1993 "Revolution" a. To the Citizens of Russia---Yeltsin's Address on National Television.157 b. The Decree of the Russian President .................................239 c. Declaration of the Executive Committee of the Council of FITUR........34 ===========***==========***==========**==========***==========***=========== From The Editor ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- It has been a month since the October 93 Russian "Revolution" happended. The Chinese community has been paying great attentions to its developments. Both Russia and China have had long histories of communism. But now the two big countries of the world have sharp contrasts in their political and economical systems. The experience of a country in its development can be a lesson for another country in its future development. In this issue, two CSS' reactions and three documents issued days before the lastest Russia October "Revolution" are provided. After reading these materials, you may have your own thougts to share with other readers. In coming issues, CCF is planning to focus on such topics as: the November APEC summit in Seattle, today's problems in China, and the interactions between China's ecomonical developments and political changes. Contributions to these topics and suggested new topics are welcome. ===========***==========***==========**==========***==========***=========== 1. Russia's Crisis and Russia's Future .....................William Deng 56 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- It's interesting to see the responses of USA and other advanced democracies when Yeltsin dissolved the parliament on Sept. 21. It's crystal clear that Yeltsin's move is unconstitutional in any genuine democracy. And there is astonishing similarity between Yeltsin's move and the president of Peru's action to dissolve Peru's parliament about two years ago. But the president of Peru is denounced while Yeltsin is supported by all advanced democracies. What do these two cases tell us? Democracy does matter, but far from being as important as national interests. Well, you may say those representatives in Russian parliament were elected in the Soviet-era and most of them are former communists which is constantly emphasized by western media. But Yeltsin himself was also elected in Soviet- era and is a former communist. If those representatives are not legitimate, nor is Yeltsin. If Yeltsin is legitimate, so are those representative. But it's constitutional for the parliament to impeach the president while it's unconstitutional for the president to dissolve the parliament in any real democracy. The excuse of Yeltsin's move is that the power struggle between him and the parliament slows his version of reform. Power struggles are just normal in any democracy. If the president can dissolve the parliament and ignore the supreme court on his will, what's the difference between a democracy and an authoritarian regime like that in China? I always argue that a sustainable democracy can only be built on advanced economic development as illustrated by successful examples such as Taiwan and South Korea. Many use Russia's instant democracy as a counter-argument. But ever since the beginning of Russian democracy, Yeltsin has and uses the right to deprive some privileges from parliament representatives and supreme court judges as punishment for not following his will on reforms or other matters. If in a democracy the parliament and the supreme court could be punished by the administration, any authoritarian regime can call itself democracy. If Yeltsin gets what he wants this time and follow his promises of having a new parliament elected in December, he could push his radical and so far failing reforms faster and deepen the economic crises; he will meet similar resistance from the new parliament because his economic policies are so unpopular to representatives' constituents, assuming the new election is a genuine democratic one and the representatives are responsible for their respective constituents. Then maybe Yeltsin has to dissolve the parliament again in order to do whatever he wants on his economic policies, until his final ouster or simply denouncing democracy and assuming full dictatorship. Now we see that Yeltsin's cabinet members and aids are nominated as candidates for the new parliament election. Later Yeltsin's men may take up positions in the supreme court positions. Since freedom of press is gone, there is no ground for a genuine democracy to exist. Well, a semi- democratic, semi-authoritarian government may be more effective in pursuing its policies because it can avoid the wasteful internal struggles in a democracy. But unfortunately the radical economic policies chosen by Yeltsin would only push Russian economy into further crises. A more effective government with wrong polices means a more effective destruction. A chaotic and further impoverished Russia will be the reality for Russians in the foreseeable future. (From: William Deng Oct-20-1993) ===========***==========***==========**==========***==========***=========== 2. Can We Compare Russia with TAM .............................Yong Duan 47 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- First, we need to make clear that Yeltsin is a dictator or not by exercising his power which has not been yet granted by constitution. Bad, or good, the constitution did reflects people's will which was again reflected in the RFD held in Russia. People rejected the idea of early parliament reelection. Yeltsin won only VERY narrowly that time. The RFD was democratic, was not it? Parliament, President, Supreme court constitutes the basic frame on which the nation can function. (In Russia, of course the order is, Military, President, Parliament). In Russian constitution, the Parliament can impeach the President, like what US congress can impeach Clinton. This time, Yeltsin dissolved the parliament (like Hitler did to German parliament). So far, he is the second guy that I can recall has done such "democratic" thing in human history. At this moment, no doubt that Yeltsin exercised his unconstitutional power. He put himself way above constitution. To me, clearly, he already declared to be dictator (which is not necessarily bad thing at all, judging from current chaotic situation in Russia.) Yes, people may argue, the constitution was written in communism time, hence, the constitution is bad. Well, as long as it is called constitution, every citizen has to obey or face punishment. If people find that constitution is a piece of bad document, the first thing to do is not to kill those who obey constitution, rather, change the constitution itself. Why Yeltsin could not wait for next election to let people decide. I guess he knows that people are not on his side. Only military is on his side. It is also fashionable to point others to be "communists". Those parliaments are probably communists. How can you be sure that Yeltsin is not? Everybody claims to be democratic. (Even CCP claimed so.) But we should judge only basing on the facts. Clearly, Yeltsin is not democratic. He is a US supported Russia dictator. Funny thing is he is called "democratic leader" in US media. How ironic! I start to know what is an "unbiased" media all about. When I called Russia "reform" a joke, Yeltsin was moving towards full dictatorship. I did not believe that he had the guts to use tanks to bomb the Parliament. That was way before what happened in Russia in October. "Not cooperate with Yeltsin" is a funny excuse for dissolving the Parliament. (From: Yong Duan ) ===========***==========***==========**==========***==========***=========== 3. Some "Original" Documents of Russia's October 1993 "Revolution".......452 a. To the Citizens of Russia---Yeltsin's Address on National Television.157 b. The Decree of the Russian President .................................239 c. Declaration of the Executive Committee of the Council of FITUR........34 (From a CCF reader 21-Oct-93) ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3a. To the Citizens of Russia---Yeltsin's Address on National Television.157 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Fellow citizens. I am addressing you at one of the most complex and critical moments on the eve of events of extraordinary importance. In recent months Russia has been experiencing a profound crisis of its state structure. All government institutions and political leaders have been dragged into a fruitless, senseless and destructive struggle. A direct consequence of this is the decline of the authority of state power as a whole. I am sure that all the citizens of Russia have become convinced that in such conditions it is impossible not only to implement difficult reforms, but to maintain elementary order. One must say bluntly, unless political confrontation in the power structures in Russia is put an end to, unless the normal tempo of its work is restored the situation cannot be kept under control and our state cannot be preserved and peace in Russia cannot be preserved. I have been inundated with demands from all parts of our country to stop the dangerous developments, to stop the rape of people's rule. For more than a year attempts have been made to reach a compromise with the body of deputies, with the Supreme Soviet. Russians know well how many steps I have made at recent congresses and in between congresses. But even if agreement was reached on some matters categorical refusal to honor the commitments followed. You and I hoped that a turning point would occur after the April referendum. Members of the Supreme Soviet have been flouting the expressed will of the Russian people. A course is pursued to weaken and eventually removal of the President, to disorganize the work of the present government. A powerful propaganda campaign has been mounted to discredit the executive branch of power in Russia as a whole. The decisions of the Supreme Soviet and the Congress contradicting the results of the April referendum have not yet been repealed. And one can now safely say that they will not be repealed. On the contrary, in the past months tens of new anti-people decisions have been prepared and adopted. Many of them are deliberately aimed at worsening the situation in Russia. The most outrageous instance is the so-called economic policy of the Supreme Soviet. It's decisions on the budget, privatization and many other decisions worsen the crisis and cause great harm to the country. All the efforts of the government to alleviate the economic situation run into blind wall of misunderstanding. One can hardly name a few days when the Council of Ministers was not under pressure, was not the victim of arms twisting. And this in the midst of a grave economic crisis. The Supreme Soviet has stopped reckoning with the presidential decrees, the presidential amendments to draft bills, even with the presidential right of veto stipulated by the Constitution. The legislators in so doing are constantly pledging fidelity to the Constitution and law. The constitutional reform has virtually been terminated. Not only this and the comments made by the President of the Russian Federation, particularly the chapters of the Constitution titled "Federal Legislative Branch" and "The President of the Russian Federation, Federal Executive Branch". Logically the 7th Congress was to adopt the new Constitution of the country. But the Supreme Soviet leadership, without giving any sound reason, stopped the constitutional process. Moreover, the Supreme Soviet has recently suggested that I should approve the unseating of the President elected by the popular vote. This is exactly the purport of the constitutional amendments which I recently received from the White House. It must be recognized that the process of creating a law-based state in Russia has in fact been disorganized. What is going on is deliberate undermining of the already feeble legal base of the young Russian state. The law-making work has been turned into a weapon of political struggle. Laws which Russia so urgently needs fail to be passed for years. Instead, a drastic revision of the existing Constitution has been launched, and in a primitive formula: we'll pass those laws that suit our purpose at the moment, we'll write down anything we want to be written at the moment. As things go that way there emerges a growing number of opportunities freedoms of the individual and the fundamental democratic principles. This sort of law has nothing to do with jurisprudence, all the more when it is dictated by a single person or by a group of persons. being purged, and all those who do not show personal loyalty to their leader are mercilessly banished from the Supreme Soviet and its Presidium. What I am talking about is not a chance, nor a manifestation of growing pains. All this is bitter proof of the fact that the Supreme Soviet as a state institution is now in a state of political decomposition. It has lost its ability to perform the main function of the representative body, the function of concerning public interests. It has ceased to be an organ of rule by the people. Power in the Supreme Soviet of Russia has been seized by a group of persons, who have turned it into the headquarters of irreconcilable opposition. Hiding behind the deputies' backs and parasitizing on the collective irresponsibility of secret balloting, it is pushing Russia towards the abyss. One can no longer disregard and tolerate this and do nothing. My duty of President is to recognize that the current deputies' corps have lost the right to remain at the key levers of state power. The security of Russia and her peoples make this possible. The effective Constitution does not provide either for any procedure to adopt a new Constitution, which would envisage a decent way out of the crisis of statehood. As the guarantor of the security of our state, I am obliged to suggest a way out of the deadlock, am obliged to break this pernicious vicious circle. In view of numerous addresses to me by leaders of the subjects of the Russian Federation, deputies' groups, participants in the Constitutional Conference, political parties and movements, representatives of the public and citizens of Russia, I have taken the following steps. Vested with authority acquired at the all-people elections in 1991 and with trust, which was reiterated by the citizens in April 1993, I endorsed by my decree amendments to and revisions in the effective Constitution of the Rus of the Congress and the Supreme Soviet. An entirely new supreme body of legislative power in Russia is being created. Any actions aimed at disrupting the elections will be deemed illegitimate and persons acting in this way will be prosecuted under the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. The people who will come to the Russian Parliament should not be people who engage in political games at the expense of the people, but create laws which Russia needs so urgently. The people in the Russian Parliament must be more competent, more cultured and more democratic. I believe such people exist in Russia and we will be able to find them and early election of the President to be held after the start of the Federal Assembly. Only you, the electors, will decide who will occupy this top state post in Russia for another term. In accordance with the presidential decree which I have already signed, the exercise of legislative, administrative and supervisory functions of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation is suspended. The Congress shall no longer convene. The powers of the people's deputies of the Russian Federation shall be terminated. Needless to say, their working rights will be fully guaranteed. They will have the right to go back to their work places where they worked prior to being elected deputies of Russia. And to be reinstated in their former jobs. At the same time each of them has the right to run again in elections to the Federal Assembly. The powers of the local bodies remain in force. In this connection I call on the local leaders to use every legitimate opportunity to ensure public law and order. The rights and freedoms of the citizens of the Russian Federation established by the Constitution are guaranteed. I appeal to the leaders of foreign powers, to foreign citizens and our many friends all over the world. Your support is significant and valuable for Russia. At critical moments in complex Russian transformations you have been with us. I urge you this time around to understand the complexity of the situation in the country. The measures that I have to take as President of the Russian Federation is the only way to protect democracy and freedom in Russia, to defend reform and still weak Russian market. These measures are necessary in order to protect Russia and the whole world against catastrophic collapse of the Russian state, the reign of anarchy in a country possessing a huge arsenal of nuclear weapons. I have no other aims. Fellow citizens. The time has come when, by common effort we can and must put an end to the profound crisis of the Russian state. I count on your understanding and support. I count on your good sense and civic awareness. We have a chance to help Russia. I am sure that we will be able to use it for the sake of peace and tranquillity in our country in order to banish from Russia the debilitating struggle of which all of you are tired. By common efforts, let us preserve Russia for ourselves, our children and grand children. Thank you. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3b. The Decree of the Russian President .................................239 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- [Moscow September 21 TASS] -- What follows is a decree of the Russian president on stage-by-stage constitutional reform in the Russian Federation: A political situation that threatens state and social security of the state has shaped up in the Russian Federation. Direct counteraction to social and economic reforms, open daily obstruction by the Supreme Soviet of the policy of the popularly-elected Russian president and attempts of direct fulfillment of functions of the executive power in evasion of the council of ministers testify to the fact the majority of Russian deputies and part of parliament heads are openly defying the will of the Russian people expressed at a referendum on April 25, 1993. The law on referendum, under which results of an all-Russian referendum have the supreme juridical validity, do not require confirmation and are obligatory throughout the Russian Federation, has been grossly violated. The congress and the Supreme Soviet make systematic and increasingly active efforts to usurp not only the executive but also the court functions. At the same time, they have not created the legal basis for the implementation of the federal treaty, and their resolutions often contradict the federal nature of the Russian state. The constitutional reform in the Russian Federation has been curbed, the Supreme Soviet blocks resolutions of congresses of People's Deputies on the adoption of a new Russian constitution. Current deliberations of the Supreme Soviet systematically break the parliament time-limit and the procedure to prepare and adopt resolutions. The practice of voting instead of absent deputies has become common at parliament sessions, thus bringing to naught people's representation. The very fundamentals of the Russian constitutional system---people's power, the division of powers and federalism---are being devastated. The very principle of parliamentarianism, which has just appeared and started to consolidate, is discredited in the Russian Federation. Against this background the only means, which corresponds to the principle of people's power, to terminate the confrontation of the congress and the Supreme Soviet on one hand and the president and the government on the other hand and to overcome the state power paralysis is the elections of a new Russian parliament. These are not early elections of the Congress of Russian People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet, and they do not violate the will of the people expressed at the referendum on April 25, 1993. The need for elections is also prompted by the fact the Russian Federation is a new state, which replaced the Russian Soviet Federate Socialist Republic within the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and has been internationally recognized as the successor of the Soviet Union. Taking into account that the existing Russian Constitution does not stipulate a procedure for adopting a new constitution, political parties and movements, groups of deputies and participants of the constitutional assembly, representatives of the public have repeatedly turned to the Russian president with a proposal to immediately appoint elections to a new federal parliament. Seeking to liquidate a political obstacle, preventing the people from deciding their own fates; Taking into account the work of the Russian parliament and the Congress of People's Deputies failing to meet parliamentary standards; Taking into account that the security of Russia and its people is of greater value than formal compliance with contradictory norms created by the legislative power; For purposes of preservation of the unity and integrity of the Russian Federation; Taking the country out of the economic and political crisis; Ensuring the state and public security of the Russian Federation; Restoration of the authority of the state power; Relying on Articles 1,2,5, 121-5 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the results of the 25 April referendum, I hereby decree: 1. To stop the fulfillment of the legislative, administrative and control functions by the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation and the parliament of the Russian Federation. Until a new two-chamber parliament of the Russian Federation -- the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation -- begins to operate and takes over corresponding authorities, to act in compliance with the president's decrees and resolutions of the government of the Russian Federation. The Constitution of the Russian Federation, the legislature of the Russian Federation and subjects of the Russian Federation remain in effect in part not contravening the given decree. Rights and freedoms of citizens of the Russian Federation established by the constitution and laws are guaranteed. 2. The Constitutional Assembly and the Constitutional Commission shall submit by December 12, 1993 a uniform coordinated draft of the constitution of the Russian Federation in accordance with recommendations given by the working group of the constitutional commission. 3. Temporarily, until the Constitution and the law of the Russian Federation on elections to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation and holding new election on the basis of this law: - to put into effect a statute "on federal organs of power for transitional period" prepared on the basis of a draft constitution of the Russian Federation and approved by the Constitutional Assembly on July 12, 1993; - to entrust the Federation Council with functions of the chamber of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation with all powers envisaged by a statute "on federal organs of power for a transitional period." - to establish that the Federation Council begins to carry out the given powers after holding elections to the state duma (council). 4. To put into effect a statute "on elections of deputies to the state duma" worked out by people's deputies of the Russian Federation and the Constitutional Assembly. To hold, in accordance with the given statute, elections to the state duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. The Federal Assembly shall discuss the question of the elections of the president of the Russian Federation. 5. To appoint elections to the state duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation for December 11-12, 1993. 6. To form a central electoral commission for elections to the state duma of the Federal Council of the Russian Federation and entrust it, jointly with inferior electoral commissions and within their competence, with the organization of elections and ensuring electoral rights of citizens of the Russian Federation when holding elections to the state duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. All state agencies and officials are hereby instructed to render necessary assistance to electoral commissions for the state duma (chamber) of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation and suppress any acts or actions aiming to disrupt the elections to the state duma, regardless of who the perpetrator might be. Persons hampering the exercise of the voting rights by citizens of the Russian Federation shall be punishable under Article 132 of the criminal code of the Russian Federation. 7. The cost of holding the elections to the state duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation shall be covered from the resources of the Russian Federation's republic budget. 8. The powers of the representative bodies of power in the subjects of the Russian Federation shall be preserved. 9. Sessions of the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation shall not be convened any more. The powers of the people's deputies of the Russian Federation shall be voided. The rights, including labor rights, of the citizens who were people's deputies of the Russian Federation are guaranteed. The powers of the people's deputies -- delegates of the Russian Federation to the plenary meetings and of representatives in commissions of the interparliamentary assembly of the member states the Commonwealth of Independent States can continue their work in commissions as experts. The staffers of the apparatus of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the service personnel shall be vacationed until December 13, 1993 with full pay retained. 10. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation is herewith advised not to convene sessions until the beginning of the work of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. 11. The Council of Ministers-Government of the Russian Federation shall exercise all the powers as provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation taking into account changes and additions introduced in the present decree, as well as provided for by legislation. The Council of Ministers-Government of the Russian Federation shall ensure continuous and coordinated activity of bodies of state government. The Council of Ministers-Government of the Russian Federation is herewith instructed to take under its jurisdiction all organizations and offices subordinate to the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and effect their necessary reorganization with a view to exclude duplication of respective government structures. Necessary measure shall be take to find jobs for the released staffers. Legal succession shall be exercised with regard to all powers of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation as the founder in all spheres where the founder powers are envisaged by legislation in force. 12. The central bank of the Russian Federation shall take guidance, until the Federal Assembly begins its work, by decrees of the president of the Russian Federation, resolutions of the Government of the Russian Federation and be answerable to the Government of the Russian Federation. 13. The procurator-general of the Russian Federation shall be appointed by the president of the Russian Federation and be answerable to the same until the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation begins its work. The agencies of the prosecutor's office of the Russian Federation shall take guidance in their activity from the Constitution of the Russian Federation, as well as legislation in force with due account of changes and additions introduced by the present decree. 14. The Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation and the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation are herewith instructed to take all necessary steps to ensure state and social security in the Russian Federation and report to the president on the state of affairs to the president of the Russian Federation on a daily basis. 15. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation and the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation is hereby instructed to inform other states, and the secretary-general of the United Nations that the need to hold elections to the state duma(lower chamber) of the Federal Assembly is dictated by the desire to preserve democratic changes and economic reforms. This decision fully conforms to the fundamentals of the constitutional system of the Russian Federation, primarily to principles of democracy, the separation of powers, and federalism, and is based on the expression of the will of the people of the Russian Federation expressed in the referendum of April 25, 1993. 16. The decree "on the gradual constitutional reform in the Russian Federation" shall be submitted for consideration by the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. 17. This decree comes into force from the moment of its signing. I express the hope that all those to whom the fate of Russia and the interests of prosperity and well-being of its citizens are near and dear will understand the need for holding elections to the state duma of the Federal Assembly for the sake of a peaceful and legitimate way out of the protracted political crisis. I appeal to the citizens of Russia to support their president at this time crucial for the fate of the country. [Signed] Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Federation [Dated] Moscow, Kremlin, 21 September 1993 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3c. Declaration of the Executive Committee of the Council of FITUR........34 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- [The following Declaration was adopted by the Executive Committee of the Council of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia (FITUR) in connection with the Decree of the President of Russia of 21 September 1993.] Instead of solving the most urgent socio-economic problems of the society and instead of searching a national consent, the President's Decree from September 21 has ceased the activity of the legally elected Supreme Soviet, the Congress of people's deputies. According to the conclusion of the Constitutional Court, the Constitution of the Russian Federation has been grossly violated. The FITUR has repeatedly declared its adherence to the constitutional system. The trade unions do not aspire to political power, but they cannot accept infringement on constitutional rights and liberties because it will inevitably involve a chain of violations of working people's socio-economic rights. The unconstitutional restriction of the activity of one of the branches of power leads to enforcement of the other one and paves the way for establishment of a regime of personal power. It can be called nothing else but a state coup d'etat. The history of our country had already a similar thing, and the people remember the catastrophic consequences of such a development of events. The trade unions cannon just watch idly the actions that are to the detriment of the vital interests of the working people. The Executive of the FITUR's Council addresses the affiliated organizations, labor collectives, industrial and office workers with an appeal to express with all possible means, including strike, a decisive protest against anticonstitutional actions, irrespective of whoever commits them. We demand immediate cancellation of the unconstitutional restrictions of the activity of the legislative power and conducting simultaneous elections of the President and the Supreme Soviet. +=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=++ + Executive Editor: Shusheng Luan Executive Moderator: Ning Luo + +--------------------------------------------------------------------------+ + For subscription: mail "SUB CHINA-NT Your-First-Name Your-Last-Name" + + to LISTSERV@UGA (bitnet) or listserv@uga.cc.uga.edu (internet) + + For back issues of CCF: + + anonymous ftp to cnd.org[132.249.229.100]:pub/community/CCF + + For contribution and inquiry: mail to ccf-editor@ifcss.org + +=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=++