49
Hindu Christian Communalism;
An Analysis of Kanyakumari Riots
George Mathew
51
There is a common belief that south India was free from communal
tensions and conflicts. An impression is created in the public mind that
different religious communities lived in perfect peace and harmony and that
only now bitterness has been created among people resulting in murder and
destruction of property. This paper is an attempt to compare the recent Hindu-Christian communal riots in Kanyakumari, Thamil Nadu, with a period in early 19th century to show that
there were Hindu-Christian communal tensions and conflicts in Tamil Nadu, especially in the regions adjacent to Kanya-kumari.
Our argument is that when a militant 'missionary' religion
makes an entry in a traditional society (with a traditional religion) tensions
are inevitable. If the new religion comes with the support of political power
and with a distinct cultural identity, the tensions become serious creating
permanent cleavages in society. However, if the 'receiving religion' has the
capacity to absorb the 'new religion' into its social structure, and if the new
religion is willing to adapt itself to the new milieu, harmony and peace
between the religious communities are possible. Cultural symbols bereft of
religious content can play a significant role in this process of integration.
The nature and character of the State play a crucial role in the expansion or
otherwise of a new religion and in determining the quality of the relationship
between the religious communities.
Political power and patronage
The earliest confrontation Hinduism had with a religion born
outside Indian culture was Christianity. Christianity first came to Indian soil
through the trade link the Malabar coast had with the
Arab world and Mediterranean countries. The fact that the beginning of
Christianity in this country had no political connection contributed in no small
way to its perfect adjustment in the local setting. The noteworthy sociological
aspect was that the caste-ridden Hindu society could mould the early Christians
into its case structure. The Syrian Christians in Kerala even today preserve a
caste-like
52
social form. Perhaps, this blending of Christians into
the caste society helped the co-existence of the communities without social
conflict. The origin and development of Islam in Kerala also supports this
argument. India's first Islamic experience was again in Malabar through trade
connections with Arabs. The Muslim community struck root with Arab traders by
marrying Indian women and by conversion. These 'Mappila
Muslims' as they are known, lived in harmony with the Hindus and Christians of
Kerala and religious strife was unknown.
We get a different picture when Christianity and Islam came
to India with political and military power _while Islam came to North India
with imperial power, Christianity touched again the
western coast with the arrival of Vasco da Gama in Calicut in 1498. Since
then the spread of Christianity in this country had elements of political power
and patronage. There were cases in Goa and Bassein, near Bombay, of new converts to Christianity going
back to Hinduism when political pressure declined. As far as south India is
concerned the Portuguese power had a role in the conversion of coastal
fishermen to Christianity (Roman Catholic). In the first half of the 16th
century, Francis Xavier converted about 20,000 Paravar
fishermen between Kanyakumari and Ramanathapuram.
Between 1543 and 1544, he established 45 churches in the Travancore coastal
areas. When the Portuguese power declined the onrush of converts to the Roman
Catholic Church also decreased.
The English East India Company, which established its power helped the Protestant churches to take root and grow
in Travancore and Madras Presidency. Mass conversions took place in southern Tranvancore and Tinnevelly from
among the Nadar (Shanar)
and Paraiyan (Sambavar)
communities as a result of the work of the London Missionary Society and the
Church Missionary Society. In 1818 alone, 3000 Shanars
embraced Christianity. Later, when India came under the Crown, conversions
continued unabated till about the 1930s.
53
Attitude of the Government
We now take a look at the 50-year social history of Madras
Presidency ending 1847 to get insights into the conflicts and tensions
prevailing at that time between Hindus and Christians. I have taken the data
from R.E. Frykenbeg's excellent study of the Christian
missions under the East India Company in Tamil Nadu.
According to Frykenberg, a unique form of
Hindu-Christian communalism developed in Tamil Nadu
with advent of Protestant Christianity. These communal struggles were between
Christian Communities and Christians and Hindus. All the aggrieved communities
found the government (State) guilty. Tinnevelly was
the centre of these conflicts where Nadars were
joining the Christian fold in great numbers. Since Nadars
had considerable strength also in South Travancore – the present-day Kanyakumari district – it had its repercussions there too.
Strong negative reactions towards conversions took place in these places. The
landed gentry resorted to severe persecutions and repressions. New settlements
like Mudalur came up as 'Villages of Refuge' for many
who had to flee their homes.
What was the nature of the Government (State) in the eyes of
the people? Frykenberg says the Indian Empire was, in
actuality, a Hindu Raj. The fact that the Company
with few Europeans had to rule over so many people called for appealing the
'natives' rather than alienating them. Therefore, the Company propitiated the
deities in each large and small locality and participated in their festivals.
Rituals and symbols associated with great temples were honored. Such
arrangements were formalized in Regulation VII of 1817 by which the Company
took up the responsibility of maintaining each deity. Thus, the British were
more 'interfering' in the local religion than 'natural' as those in London were
given to understand.
Christian communalism grew on the charge that the Tamil
Christians were not getting a 'fair deal' from a Christian government. In 1801
Christian communities had
54
appealed to the East India Company's government that due
to their conversion, they were being persecuted and, on grounds of conscience,
their lives and property were threatened. These converts had told the Madras
authorities that 'as subjects of a Company whose officers were representatives
of a Christian nation, they had a right to expect more protection than, in
fact, had been afforded to them under Company rule.' On March 18, 1983 five
hundred 'native Christian householders' sent an appeal to the British
Parliament saying that the company not only had not exempted the churches from
tax and not given help to build churches, but like the 'heathen kings' of old
exempted temples from taxation and funded daily sacrifices, seasonal festivals
and repairs of temples. On an ideological level they asked whether, by helping
the temples and idols the 'Christian Company' considered 'these idols as truly
gods.' After narrating a number of instances where Christians were not getting
special treatment, the petition said:
If it were under the
government of heathen kings that this injustice were shown to Christians. It would not be a
wonder: but under the government of Christians and their servants, Christians
should suffer injustice, and that by their means the increase of Christianity
is prevented, is to us a matter of astonishment.
Organized movements
An organized movement of Hindus to protect their 'position'
in society was brewing when they saw that the new religion had acquired special
power and status. In 1817, the Hindus of Blacktown
had complained to the government against the aggressive attitudes of Christians
which threatened Hindu religious customs. They wanted to stall the Christian
attempt to build a church and school in Blacktown.
(The government subsequently conceded the Hindu request).
55
In Tinnevelly,
a mass movement and 'aggressive leadership
provoked reactions from
the Hindu community. Oppression, outrage,
violence and persecution took place. There were petitions before the
Government, often with exaggerated claims and counter-claims. Sir Montgomery,
the then Collector of Tinnevelly, had remarked: 'In
cases such as these now under notice, where the religious passions and angry
feelings of the parties towards each other are brought into full operation, the
difficulties commonly felt are increased tenfold. The social reasons for the
Christian converts' attack on 'heathens' and the effort of 'heathens' to thwart
the spread of Christianity, according to Montgomery, were the growing
independence of the lower castes which form the Christians, and the
government's withdrawal from the management of the temples. The spirit of
agitation and 'party feeling' continuously stirred up
by church leaders caused continuous unrest. The Collector put the blame on the
Christian attitude by saying:
The intolerant bearing of this class of persons
(church leaders) towards the heathen and the notions which they inculcate(d) into the minds of the their ignorant hearers of
the temporal advantages which (would) follow a change of creed.. .put(ing) themselves forth as the champions of every aggrieved
or aggrieving Christian, thus making (each) cause the cause of party of
opposition.
Communalism continued to grow. In 1845 with the support of Vibhuthi Sangam and the Veda
Siddhartha Sabha (the Hindu organizations formed to
protect Hindu interests) a large crowd of several thousands attacked the prayer
halls, schools, houses and properties of Nullor
Congregations. Hundreds of houses were destroyed, property and livestock taken,
men severely beaten and women violated. About a hundred Hindus were arrested.
Large crowds turned out along the route from Tinnevelly
to
56
Madras hailing the arrested persons as heroes and defenders
of Sanathana Dharm.
There were tensions because the authorities wanted to
introduce Biblical knowledge in education. The first public examinations for
entry into the 'uncovenanted' civil service were held
in March 1846. Hindu candidates boycotted it when they learnt that some of the
questions related to the Christian religion, its superiority, influence, etc.
By now, the Hindus realized that the term 'heathen' was
derogatory. Large-scale protests began. In 1846 at a massive public meeting in
Madras the Hindu community accused the Company of ingratitude, partiality and
injustice against its most loyal native subjects. Three copies of a memorial in
English with twelve thousand signatures on each copy were submitted to the
authorities, strongly resenting the abuse to which they were subjected to by
being called 'heathens.' In 1847, the use of the word 'heathen' to signify
Hindus and Muslims was banned from official documents.
Conflict Among Christians
The report on communalism during this period would be
incomplete without a look at the communal tensions and conflict among Christians
themselves. This intra-Christian communalism was the result of caste in the
churches. Although lower castes joined Christianity in large numbers through
the mass movement in South India, in Tranquebar, Tanjore, Tinnevelly and Vepery, the earliest converts were Vellalars.
They were caste Hindus. They wanted to continue as 'clean' without pollution
from their unclean brethren. The missionaries in the beginning did not
interfere because they were, as M.E. Gibbs puts it, 'partly following the
usages common in the Roman Catholic Church, partly... the implications of caste
were at first very imperfectly realized by the European missionaries.'
Segregation prevailed between 'Pariah Christians' and 'Sudra
Christian' in all aspects of church life.
57
The new generation of missionaries found that caste within
Christianity was un-Christian and intrinsic to Hinduism. Dr. Daniel Wilson,
Bishop of Calcutta banned in 1834 caste segregation in the church. Wherever
this ban was enforced, it met stiff resistance. Vellalar
Christians from Vepery and Tanjore
sent series of appeals to the government at Fort St. George, to the Governor
General in Calcutta, and to the Bishops in England. Social tensions prevailed
in Vepery. When 'Pariah Christians' came and occupied
Vepery church, Vellalar
Christians abandoned the building. For defying the ban, 700 or more Tamil
Christians were excommunicated from Vepery Tanjore, where the number excommunicated was well over
3000, witnessed incidents of violence and Vellalar
Christians felt 'distressed, injured and forsaken.' On another level,
Protestant soldiers of the Church of England had strongly appealed to the
Government against their being asked to participate in the worship of the
Church of Rome.
Kanyakumari: Demographic Profile
Kanyakumari district in Tamil Nadu was carved out of Travancore-Cohin
State in the 1956 State re-organizataion comprising
its four southern talukas of Thovala,
Agasthees-waram, Kalkulam
and Vilavancode. This district, according to the 1981
census, has a population of more than 14 lakhs (in 1971 it was 12 lakhs), but
the latest community breakdown is not available. The 1971 census shows that Kanyakumari had 7 lakh Hindus, 4 lakh 30 Thousand Christians and 52 thousand Muslims. It is
unofficially stated that today the gap between Hindus and Christians is closing
fast. Mr. L. Ganesan, divisional organizer of the
RSS,* says that the Hindus account for 49 per cent of the population and
Christians for around 45 per cent. Rev. Arokiaswamy,
the Roman Catholic Bishop of Kottar, corroborates
this. But some other estimates show that now the percentage of Christians in Kanyakumari has gone up to 45.6 per cent while it was only
40 per cent in the 1960s.
58
The
increase in the Christian population is attributed, besides natural birth, to
the intensive conversion activities of Christian groups like Pentecostals
Christian groups with 'foreign money' had stepped up their 'proselytizing'
activities. Today Kanyakumari has the highest
Christian
Among the Christians, the Roman Catholic Church has about 4 lakh followers while the Church of South India and other
Protestant groups have about 2 lakhs. Within the Christian community, the
coastal fishermen are a caste considered to be of rather low status. There are
Hindu Nadars and Christian Nadars
in Kanyakumari. The Christian Nadars
form the powerful mercantile community and they look upon themselves as
superior to the 'Fernando Christians' as the fishermen are called. It is
significant to note that in times of crisis, the primordial loyalty of caste
prevails with the Nadars rather than their religious
identity – Christian Nadars Join Hindu Nadars or remain aloof.
When two religious communities of more or less equal
strength with distinct religious practices co-exist within a given territory
two situations can arise: (a) they try to live peacefully because one cannot
'devour' the other; (b) perpetual conflicts can occur when either of the
communities suspects 'subterranean forces' at work in favor of the other
community which may pose a threat to the existing community equation.
Qualitative Change
After militant conversions to Christianity declined by about
the 1930s because of political factors, Hindus accepted the emerging situation.
India's independence in 1947 was a watershed in the relations between the two
communities. The crucial factor was the qualitative change in the character of
the State. Hindus found themselves in a happier position. The colonial power to
whose official religion they were losing a considerable number of their people, had left; the national leadership was in the hands
of leaders of their (Hindu) faith. On the other hand, although
59
Christians
were a major force in some districts like kanyakumari,
as a religious community they were a small minority in the nation. They
realized that their political protection or whatever patronage they could
enjoy, no more existed. Theoretically, in the Constitution, equal treatment for
all religions by the State and the right to propagate one's religious faith
were assured. This was a relief for a 'missionary' religion like Christianity.
In the changed atmosphere, nationalism became a new factor
in the life of the people. This had implications for religious sphere. Hindus considered
themselves to be more nationalistic and thereby more patriotic than other
religious minorities like Muslims or Christians. The suspicion about these
religions in the Hindu psyche was because they were majority religions in
powerful countries and in a 'hostile' neighboring country. The Hindus thought
that the onus was on the minorities to prove their patriotism. The ideological
position of the RSS vis-a-vis Muslims and Christians
must be seen in this context.
RSS Perceptions
In the post-independence period Christian 'missionary'
activity was continued by Indian Christians. Baptisms to admit Hindus into
Christian Churches were not uncommon. This was perceived as a 'subterranean
threat' by Hindus because, for them, Christian expansion, political power was
something to be taken seriously.
In Kanyakumari district, conversion to Christianity were taking place. As a reaction
to Christian expansion, the RSS became well established. Today they have 110 haka, branches the highest for such a
small area with a relatively small Hindu population. They draw
reinforcements from Madurai and Ramanathapuram
districts and Kerala State. Along with the RSS, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and
the Hindu Front have come into the picture. The Vivekananda Rock Memorial
Committee (VRMO) has provided the nucleus of attraction for the Hindu groups. They
believed
60
that the increasing influence of Christianity was a threat to
Hinduism. (We are reminded of how the Vibhuthi Sangam and Veda Sidhantha Sabha had aroused the same feeling among Hindus about the
expansion of Christianity under the Company Raj) The
RSS objective, according to Mr. L Ganesan, is to
'safeguard the Hindu temples' and protect their rights from the 'aggressive'
church.
The Christian groups used to distribute Christian literature
at bus stops in buses, trains and even at Hindu festival gatherings, addressing
the Hindus ('Oh sinners') at street corner meetings and painting 'Jesus comes'
on the walls of Hindu houses. The Hindu revivalist organizations did not lag behind.
During the months of December 1981 and January and February 1982 poster
campaigns were conducted by the Hindu Front, RSS, Hindu Youth Front and Viswa Hindu Parishad. Hindus feared that there was a move
by the Christians to change the name of Kanyakumari
district to 'Kanni Mary' (Virgin Mary). They also
complained that the names of about 127 villages were Christianized.
Religious Symbols and Institutions
In a plural society, religious conflicts occur around
religious symbols and religious institutions – either when the rival community
tampers with them or when a particular community uses them without regard for
the feeling of other communities. The proliferation of wayside shrines and
temples without any rhyme or reason created the same 'subterranean threats' to
the other community. These are done to acquire power and status through
financial and organizational gains to individuals and groups. The gullible
common people are used as their instruments and communalism flares up as the
result. (We have seen that 150 years back in the vicinity of Kanyakumari, how on the question of schools, churches,
temples and certain terminology, communal clashes took place.)
61
The events, which triggered the long chain of clashes
between Christians and Hindus in Kanyakumari in 1982,
also were centered on Symbols and institutions.
The disappearance of a cross in November 1980, following the quarrel
between two boys in Msandathatuvillai village made
that area the scene of communal clashes. In February 1982, on the closing day
of the World Week of Prayer, a Christian procession was taken out through the
'Monday Market' in Nagercoil and a Christian merchant
placed an illuminated cross at the traffic island in the centre of the town.
The cross was removed after the procession. Soon after, a local Hindu farmer
installed a Ganesa idol at the same traffic island
and started daily prayers. This was objected to by the Christian population. On
the Mahasivaratri day, five days after the
installation of the idol, the authorities removed it. Removing an idol on an
auspicious night was a sacrilege and mass hysteria was whipped up with slogans
of 'Hindu Unity' A hartal was declared and shops were
closed. Hindu-Christian clashes followed in the neighboring villages.
When the project acquired a Hindu character Christians
claimed that Francis Xavier also had meditated on the rock. Twice Christians
removed the pedestal and plaque of the Vivekanand
centenary on the rock and replaced it with a wooden cross. Hindus, in turn,
threw away the cross. (According to tradition, revenue records and dwaswom records, the rock belonged to the Kanyakumari temple.) The Christians gave up but retaliated
by obstructing the ferry service run by the Vivekananda Kendra to the rock
Memorial. The reasons given for the eight-year old Ferry
dispute (settled in 1981) was a piece of land and the danger dredging
posed to their homes. But the real cause was deeper. Had vivekanda
been projected as a symbol of Indian nationalism local or national support of
people of all faiths for the centenary memorial would have been possible. One
can safely presume that enlightened Christian leadership would have gladly
associated with the project as a mark of their nationalist feelings. But, when
religious meaning was
62
imputed to an otherwise national symbol, the chasm
between the communities widened and suspicion and fears were fanned.
Communal Violence
When communities suspect each other, rumors can play havoc. The
Mandikadu Bhagwati Amman
temple 'Masi Kodai'
festival, with a customary bath of devotees in the sea is an important occasion
in Kanyakumari. A rumor spread on the first day of
the festival in 1982 that women returning after their bath were molested by men
who had assembled in the nearby Roman Catholic Church of Our Lady of Perpetual
Help. Already a tense atmosphere prevailed with loud speakers blaring from the
festival area and the Church. On March 1, a crowd had collected at the church
and police had to fire 46 rounds killing 6 persons (unofficially 14).
Widespread violence, looting and arson followed in the coastal villages of Rajakkamangalam, Eethanozhi, Kallukatti, Pillaithope and Nagercoil town. After a fortnight of the first firing, 3
more persons lost their lives — 2 in police firing at Keelmanamelkudi
and one in the communal clash in Kovalam village.
Churches, temples, hospitals, balwadis and convents
were destroyed. The worst affected were the fishermen whose huts were set on
fire-680 of them in Pollamthurai. Many catamarans,
fishing nets and other apparatus for fishing were reduced to ashes. (Each
catamaran or net costs Rs 3000-4000). Their drinking water wells were poisoned
with diesel oil, hundreds were hurt and thousands were arrested. Essential
supplies were cut off to the villages of the fishermen.
The pattern in the communal clashes all over India
throughout history was repeated here also. Religious communities nurture
suspicion of each other based on political, economic, social (social position,
status) or religious (conscience, symbol)
reasons. Religious organizations
whip up the feelings of the common people; rumors about the sinister moves of
'other' communities are
63
spread; violence breaks out on the occasion of simple,
otherwise unnoticed, events and the poor in the communities become the victims.
Common Cultural Heritage
Christianity and Islam by nature are hierarchically
organized religions. Hinduism is not. Christian churches, though organized,
give outsiders the picture of division based on 'faith' and tradition. If the
'already organized' churches forget their denominational differences and come
together at least symbolically, other religions will see that as a threat. In Kanyakumari, although the World Week of Prayer was an
annual feature, the procession was organized for the first time, and the
participants were from about 40 churches belonging to different denominations.
The Hindu suspicion and fears were confirmed. By the same token, when an
unorganized religion like Hinduism raises slogans of Hindu unity and
facilitates the growth of militant organizations, Christians see a threat. This
is all the more because Hindus are the overwhelming majority in the country.
The Hindu Revival Conference held at Nagercoil on
February 13 and 14, 1982 and the procession they took out on February 13
precipitated a 'situation' of tension and conflict.
In 'old societies' even when a 'new' religion takes root,
the common cultural heritage cannot be wiped out for the adherents of the 'new'
religion. However, when the protagonists of the 'new' religion' born and
brought up in an alien culture, bringing the new faith to the 'old societies'
try to transplant the cultural milieu, there will certainly be common bonds of
cultural expression locally between the 'old' and the 'new'. These common
cultural heritages will appear on the religious consciousness level also. This
explains why the followers of different religions respect and even worship at
each other's sacred places. The fishermen of Kanyakumari
were traditionally afraid of the sea god, even after they became Christians centuries ago. The Christian
64
fishermen used to call St. Lucia, Kannamma
and considered her the sister of Bhagwati Amma. They believed that during the Bhagawati
Amman Festival at Mandai Kadu,
there would be a good catch of fish. They made offerings at the Bhagwati Amman temple and their song was:
Kadal Vazhi
Vantha Kannamma
Therai Vazhi Vantha Bhagwati
Amman.
The Hindus used to make offerings to 'Sakayamata'
church (church of Lady of Perpetual Help). This cultural anthropological fact
is not an epiphenomenon. None of these religious people would like to see the
relations between the communities destroyed. Their religious faith based on
their experience is basic to their 'being'. Then how does communal conflict
arise?
Conclusion
The radicals, the CPM, (Communist Party Marxists) Naxalities and Action Group support Christians against
Hindu revivalist organizations. For the radical elements, the latter are
extreme reactionaries keeping the ignorant masses under oppression. Among
Christians, they see some signs of a progressive force in spite of the
inequalities in the churches. In Kanyakumari the CPM,
had categorically accused the RSS of attacking the fishermen. Various 'action
groups' some inclined to the Vinod Mishra faction of CPM, supported
Christians. It may be recalled that, in Kerala, the number one enemy of the RSS
is Marxists. What about minority solidarity? Muslims in Kanyakumari
came to the rescue of Christians. This happens in other situations too.
Christians cannot make India 'Christians' and Hindus cannot
make India 'Hindu'. Christians must refrain from using slogans, which smack of
'selling Jesus' to Hindus. The Hindu revivalist organizations cannot get away
with the slogans, which have political overtones. What is unfortunate is that
future generations also will not be spared from
65
communal bloodbaths. In Kanyakumari,
the canker of communalism was spreading to educational institutions with even
school boys raising slogans against this organization or that. If our younger
generation grows up this way, when will they realize that India is a country
that belongs to everyone who lives here – Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs
and other?
It can be urged that when economic development and
independence grow communalism
will decline. Kanyakumari is one of the economically developed districts
of Tamil Nadu. Perhaps that helped to limit the
clashes to a few days. The growth of radical politics and a rapid rate of
economic growth will certainly help communities to live in cooperation and
peace.
Whether it is under the Company Raj
or under today's secular, democratic and socialist Republic, religious
communities will clash if their conscience, status, power and space are
threatened. The threat can be real or imaginary. The crux of the matter is: all
must observe the rules of the game respecting the basic humanity of man. Today,
this is the meaning of secularism – the main professed characteristic of the
Indian Constitution. After all, secularism is faith in man and not faith in the
plurality of gods.
The Hindu gentry of Madras was
becoming a force to reckon with. The Hindu Literary Society was founded around
1830. In 1839, they collected about 70,000 signatures of Madras residents on a
petition, which said inter alia that they represented
the people of the country and that they deserved better treatment. They wanted
to start schools and colleges. The opening of schools and a college by Pachaiyappa Charities was the result of this concerted
action. Frykenberg notes that by 1842 there 'was an
aggressive Hindu public ready to fight for its own privileged position'.
A country, which has rich cultural traditions
can use these cultural symbols for social and political integration if the
66
symbols used are bereft of religious meaning and
located in the national framework. Such an opportunity was lost in Kanyakumari. Swamy Vivekananda is
not just a Hindu saint. He was one of the pillars of Indian renaissance and an
able son of modern India who interpreted this country to the West. On the rock
at the confluence of three seas, Vivekananda had meditated. In 1963 the birth
centenary of this modern Sankaracharys, it was
proposed to build a memorial on this rock. This was conceived and executed as a
project of the Hindus. The Ramakrishna Mission, RSS and the Jan Sangh entered the scene and raised resources for the Rock
Memorial.*
This article has originally been produced in Social Action,
Vol. 33, Oct-Dec 1983, reproduced in this book with
the permission of the Editor.
____________________
Taken from Praxis Nos. 3-4, 1983.