Sivajee attacks the Moghul possessions – Shaisteh Khan is sent against him, – occupies Poona, besieges and takes Chakun – Raja Jeswunt Sing, of Joudpoor, sent to reinforce Shaisteh Khan – Netajee Palkur is surprised and wounded, but escapes – Sivajee performs an adventurous exploit – Shaisteh Khan is recalled – Sultan Mauzum is appointed to the Deccan, with Jeswunt Sing, as second in command – Sivajee plunders Surat – Death of Shahjee – Sivajee assumes the title of Raja, and strikes coins in his own name, – his fleet makes prize of some Moghul ships bound to the Red Sea, and plunders the pilgrims proceeding to Mecca; – plunders Ahmednugur; – makes a descent on the coast, and plunders Barcelore – Raja Jey Sing, and Dilere Khan come against him unexpectedly – Aurungzebe’s views and policy in regard to the Deccan – Progress of Jey Sing – Sivajee in alarm and perplexity – Siege and defence of Poorundhur – Sivajee’s submission – Remarkable convention of Poorundhur – War with Beejapoor – Sivajee and Venkajee opposed to each other – Sivajee repairs to Delhi, – is placed in confinement by Aurungzebe, – effects his escape, and returns to the Deccan – Jey Sing’s progress, – is obliged to raise the siege of Beejapoor, and retreat, – is superseded by Sultan Mauzum, and dies on his return towards Delhi.
Since the departure of Aurungzebe, Sivajee had been so much occupied in the war with Beejapoor, that he was not only unable to take advantage of the events passing in Hindoostan, but in May, 1661, when the Moghuls possessed themselves of Kallian Bheemree, Sivajee was not in a condition to resent the aggression. He now, however, prepared a large force; the infantry under
Moro Punt, and the horse headed by Netajee Palkur. The former, during the rains, possessed himself of several strong holds, north of Joonere, but there is no satisfactory account of the particulars. Netajee Palkur, as soon as the state of the roads permitted, ravaged the Moghul districts without mercy; he was ordered to plunder the villages, and levy contributions from the towns; but he even exceeded these orders, swept the country to the environs of Aurungabad, spread terror in all directions, and, by moving rapidly from one direction to another, returned safe and unopposed to Poona.
Shaisteh Khan189, who, with the title of Umeer Ool Oomrah, had been appointed to succeed the prince, Sultan Mauzum, as viceroy of the Deccan, was ordered by the emperor, to punish this daring incursion, to carry the war into Sivajee’s territory, and to reduce his forts.
Shaisteh Khan accordingly marched from Aurungabad, with a great force, and pursuing the high road by Ahmednugur and Pairgaom, turned from the latter place westward towards Poona. On his route, he sent a detachment to take possession of Sopa, and pitched on Jadow Rao, Deshmookh of Sindkheir, Sivajee’s relation, to occupy the districts190. Sivajee, on the approach of the Moghul
army, left Rajgurh, and made Singurh his principal residence. Shaisteh Khan took Poona, and sent out strong detachments to occupy the Katruje Ghaut, and the village of Sewapoor. Parties were also detached to reconnoitre the forts; and as Chakun lay between him and Joonere, which was inconvenient, and as he expected that so small a place would surrender on the first summons, he moved against it with the main body of his army; but Phirungajee Nursalla, who had remained in command of Chakun since the year 1646, refused to surrender, and made an excellent defence. Chakun held out against the Moghul army for nearly two months. At last, on the fifty-sixth day of the siege, a mine having been sprung under the north-east bastion, a very large practicable breach was made, and many of the garrison were killed by the explosion. The Moghuls being prepared for the assault rushed forward, but were met by the remains of the garrison, headed by their gallant Havildar in the breach, which was so well defended, that the assailants could make no impression. The besieged maintained their post till night-fall, when the attack ceased; and in the morning, Phirungajee Nursalla capitulated. Shaisteh Khan, in admiration of his conduct, treated him with great respect, and made him considerable offers if he would enter the imperial service, but Nursalla did not disgrace the fame he had acquired by accepting them; Shaisteh Khan dismissed him with honour, and he rejoined Sivajee, by whom he was commended and rewarded.
The Moghuls, by their own account, lost nine
hundred in killed and wounded, before Chakun, which, considering the length and obstinate nature of the defence, does not appear a great number; but Shaisteh Khan became impressed with an idea of the insurmountable difficulty of reducing the hill forts.
Aurungzebe, on the contrary, considered their reduction a matter of easy accomplishment; and long after this period, continued to entertain the greatest contempt for the Mahrattas, as enemies. Raja Jeswunt Sing, the Rajpoot prince of Joudpoor was, however, ordered to join the Khan with a large reinforcement. The fair season was far advanced before his arrival, and the whole army lay inactive in the neighbourhood of Poona, whilst Netajee Palkur again appeared about Ahmednugur and Aurungabad, burning and plundering the districts191.
A party was immediately detached to intercept him, and on this occasion succeeded in surprising and killing several of his men. They afterwards continued the pursuit, Netajee was himself wounded, and it was supposed he would have been taken, had not the Beejapoor general, Roostum Zuman favored his escape192.
Shaisteh Khan, in the mean time, had taken up his abode in the town of Poona, and had fixed his residence in the house built by Dadajee Konedeo193. From Sivajee’s being in the neighbourhood, of whose character for stratagem he was well aware, the Khan took many of those precautions which
frequently invite what they are intended to prevent. No armed Mahratta was permitted to enter Poona without a passport, and no Mahratta horsemen were entertained excepting under such chiefs194 of their own, as held their lands from the emperor.
Sivajee, watchful of all that passed, resolved to surprise the Khan, and sent two Bramins to make such arrangements as were necessary to gain admission. When his preparations were complete, Sivajee left Singurh one evening in the month of April195, a little after sun set, at the head of a considerable body of infantry whom he posted in small parties along the road, but Yessjee Kunk, Tannajee Moloosray, and twenty-five Mawulees were all that entered196. His emissaries197 had gained a Mahratta foot-soldier in the Khan’s service, who, on pretence of celebrating a marriage, obtained permission to beat through the town with the noisy instruments used on such occasions, and also for some of his companions, who always carry their arms, to join in the procession. Poona being an open town, Sivajee with his party, favored by the contrivance of his emissaries, easily slipped undiscovered into the crowd, and joined in the moving assemblage.
When all was quiet, Sivajee and his companions,
familiar with every avenue and every accessible part of the Khan’s residence, proceeded with a few pick-axes to the cook-room, above which there was a window slightly built up. Through this place they soon made themselves a passage, but not without alarming some of the women of the Khan’s family, who immediately ran and awoke their master. Shaisteh Khan was hurrying out, and in the act of lowering himself from a window, when he received a blow on the hand which cut off one of his fingers. He was fortunate in escaping without further injury, as his son Abool Futih Khan and most of the guard at his house were killed.
Sivajee and his men retired before it was possible to intercept them, and gradually collected their parties on their route to Singurh. When they got to the distance of three or four miles, they lighted torches, previously prepared, to occasion deception as to their numbers, and to express their defiance and derision. In this manner they ascended to the fort in view of the Moghul camp, from which they might be distinctly seen.
No action of Sivajee’s, is now talked of with greater exultation among his countrymen, than this exploit; – to complete the triumph, a body of Moghuls came galloping towards Singurh next morning, and were permitted to approach close to the fort, which they did in a vaunting manner, beating their kettle drums, and brandishing their swords; when the guns opening upon them, they retired in the greatest confusion. Kartojee Goozur, who commanded a party of Sivajee’s horse, left in
the neighbourhood by Netajee Palkur, took this opportunity of falling upon them, which he did so unexpectedly as to complete their flight and disgrace198. This is the first time we find the Moghul cavalry pursued by the Mahrattas. Kartojee Goozur, encouraged by his success, cut off several small parties and obliged the Moghuls to strengthen their out-posts.
Trifling reverses contributed to dishearten Shaisteh Khan in his present state of grief and mortification. Instead of acting with the spirit that became an officer, he accused Jeswunt Sing of neglect, complained of the state of his army, and wrote to the emperor stating suspicions of Jeswunt Sing’s having been bribed by Sivajee. Aurungzebe was preparing for a journey to Kashmeer when news of the Khan’s disaster, and the want of union between him and Jeswunt Sing, reached Delhi. He at first recalled both the principal officers, and appointed Sultan Mauzum viceroy of the Deccan; but he afterwards conferred the government of Bengal on Shaisteh Khan, and directed Jeswunt Sing to remain as second in command under the prince.
Jeswunt Sing made a feeble attempt to invest Singurh, but he did not prosecute the siege. Strong detachments were left at Chakun199, and
Joonere, whilst the main body of the army retired to Aurungabad.
Sivajee, who always spread false reports of his intentions, assembled an army in the neighbourhood of Kallian, and another near Dhunda Rajepoor, gave out that he meant to attack the Portuguese at Bassein and Choule, or make a grand effort to reduce the Seedee. But his real design was on Surat, at that time one of the richest cities in India, and Byherjee Naik, a famous spy in his service, was already on the spot making such preparatory observations as were necessary.
On pretence of paying his respects at a temple near Nassuck, and of visiting the forts lately taken by Moro Trimmul, Sivajee proceeded to the northward, but when supposed to be engaged in devotions, he made a rapid march with four thousand horse towards Surat, which he surprised, and having systematically plundered it for six days of great riches, he leisurely conveyed his booty unmolested to Raigurh, which being now completed, became the future seat of his government. The plunder of Surat was great, and it would have been more considerable had the English and Dutch factories fallen into his power, but they stood on the defensive, and the English in particular, behaved so manfully, that they not only saved their own property, but a part of that of the citizens: Sir George Oxenden was then chief or governor at Surat200.
On Sivajee’s return he heard of the death of his
father, which happened by an accidental fall from his horse, when hunting201, in January, 1664, at the village of Buswuputtum, on the banks of Toongbuddra, near Bednore, where he had joined the Beejapoor army to assist in reducing some refractory Zumeendars.
Shahjee possessed at his death, not only the districts originally conferred upon him in Jagheer, by the Beejapoor government, but the fort of Arnee, Porto Novo202, and the territory of Tanjore203. He continued in obedience to Ali Adil Shah, who
seems to have allowed him to retain his new acquisitions unquestioned.
Some days were spent by Sivajee in the observance of the usual obsequies which he performed at Singurh, where he remained for some time, and afterwards came to Raigurh. He spent some months revising and arranging the departments and affairs of his government, assisted by his principal officers; and on this occasion, first assumed the title of Raja, and struck coins in his own name.
Netajee Palkur regularly returned at the commencement of the rains, and was almost invariably successful. Sivajee’s fleet had also succeeded in making considerable captures. Amongst others, they took some Moghul ships bound to Mocha, and exacted ransoms from all the rich pilgrims proceeding to the shrine of their prophet. In the month of August, Sivajee, in person, surprized and plundered the Pettah of Ahmednugur, and carried his depredations to the vicinity of Aurungabad. During his absence, the Beejapoor army, stationed at Panalla, under the command of two generals, broke the truce, made a vigorous effort for the recovery of the Concan, and had retaken several places; when Sivajee, who, as the English records of the period observe, seemed to be everywhere and prepared for every emergency, appeared in the field at the head of a large force, with which he gave them battle, and defeated them with great slaughter204.
Vingorla, the inhabitants of which seem to have risen on his garrison, Sivajee burnt to the ground, and hastened
back to Singurh to watch the motions of the Moghuls, from whom he apprehended an attack, as they had sent a strong reinforcement to a camp formed at Joonere.
But having discovered that they did not intend to act on the offensive, he sent off a part of his horse to plunder in the Beejapoor territory, south of the Kistna, and immediately devised a new enterprize. Preparatory to its execution, he caused it to be believed that he had a design of surprising the Moghul camp.
Whilst this report was current, he secretly drew together a large fleet205, suddenly set off for the coast, embarked from Malwan, made a descent on the rich town of Barcelore, about 130 miles below Goa, and sailed back as far as Gocurn with four thousand men, before it was fully ascertained that he had quitted his capital. There, having dismissed the greater part of his fleet, he paid his devotions at a temple in the neighbourhood, and afterwards, having divided his troops into parties, scoured the whole country, and acquired immense booty from several of the rich mercantile towns in that neighbourhood; Carwar stood on the defensive, and Sivajee had only time to exact a contribution206; after which, having dispatched his troops by land, he hastily re-embarked on his return to Raigurh207.
On this voyage Sivajee was detained longer than he expected, a strong gale drove him down the coast, and the north-west winds prevented his return for many days. This delay was one of several circumstances by which his tutelary goddess is said to have shown her displeasure at this expedition; the only naval enterprize, on which he, in person, embarked.
But a more serious cause of uneasiness, than the inconveniences of adverse winds and seasickness, awaited the return of Sivajee; which was no less, than the approach of a very formidable army under two officers of note, Mirza Raja Jey Sing, a Rajpoot prince, and Dilere Khan, an Afghan.
On first view it appears extraordinary that Aurungzebe, after what had occurred, did not prosecute the war against Sivajee with greater vigour; but his own insecurity, the apprehensions of a usurper, especially during his father’s life, and the natural distrust of a jealous disposition, sufficiently account for the delay, independent of discussions with the court of Persia, his ultimate views of subjugating the whole Deccan at once, and the contempt he entertained for “the mountain rat,” as it is said208, he affected to style Sivajee.
The assumption of the title of Raja, the privilege of coining, the numerous aggressions committed, or even the plunder of Surat, did not call forth the
resentment of Aurungzebe so forcibly, as robbing the holy pilgrims proceeding to Mecca; and the religious zeal which he professed, demanded an exertion of his power, to punish the author of outrages, as sacrilegious to his faith, as insulting to his empire.
Mirza Raja Jey Sing, and Dilere Khan, had both, in the first instance, declared for the cause of Dara, but were subsequently won over by Aurungzebe, to whom they performed essential services. The emperor never placed entire confidence in Jey Sing, and he was suspicious of Dilere Khan owing to his former conduct, to the bold daring character of the man, and to his great influence with his countrymen, of whom there were a great number in the imperial service. On the distant employment to which they were about to proceed, among a people and in a country familiar to Aurungzebe, but where they were strangers, their services and that of their adherents could be safely used in reducing Sivajee, and exacting arrears of tribute from Beejapoor. As that government became more and more indigent, this demand was always an excuse for hostilities. In the present instance, it afforded convenient occupation for two men whom Aurungzebe doubted, and weakened a kingdom intended to be annexed to the empire. Aurungzebe, although he must have been aware that Jey Sing’s means were inadequate, gave him a commission to conquer Beejapoor, after Sivajee should be subdued. He had not sufficient confidence in any one to trust him with a sufficient force, and his policy, from the time he became emperor, seems to have been, to
shake the Deccan states so effectually, that he could overturn them when it suited his purpose.
When this army marched, Ram Sing, the son of Raja Jey Sing, was directed to reside at the emperor’s court, on pretence of doing his father honor, but in reality as a hostage for his conduct. It was so contrived that Jey Sing’s approach was not known to Sivajee, when he embarked on his maritime expedition. The force crossed the Nerbuddah about the month of February. Jeswunt Sing and Sultan Mauzum were recalled, but Jey Sing took an opportunity of paying his respects to the prince at Aurungabad, and then marched on to Poona. He arrived there early in April, and no time was lost in commencing operations. He invested Poorundhur; and leaving Dilere Khan to prosecute the siege, he himself blockaded Singurh, and pushed on his advanced parties as far as Rajgurh.
Sivajee had just returned from the coast, on Jey Sing’s arrival, and hastened to Raigurh, where he, for the first time, called a consultation of all his principal people. Netajee Palkur, though it was a part of his duty to watch the motions of the enemy, was at a great distance with the main body of the cavalry, and Sivajee, although he probably then found it impolitic to displace him, never forgave the neglect209. Kartojee Goozur had further opportunities of proving his activity; but it was rather in eluding pursuit than in any particular success, he
however cut off several parties of foragers, and brought in constant intelligence.
The great reputation of Raja Jey Sing210, the strength of his army, and the unexpected vigour of his attack, combined to create an unusual alarm and perplexity in Sivajee, which were perceptible in the consultations at Raigurh, and spread themselves amongst his chief officers. This indecision, according to the opinion of his countrymen, anxious to deify him, was in consequence of a communication from the goddess Bhowanee, by whom Sivajee was warned in a dream, that he could not prevail against this Hindoo prince, and as Sivajee was not, as far as can be ascertained, materially reduced in any way, it is probable, that superstition was one of the principal causes which influenced his conduct at this crisis.
But the irresolution of the council at Raigurh did not affect the spirit of the garrison at Poorundhur. Bajee Purvoe211, a Deshpandya of Mhar, was Havildar of the fort, which was strongly garrisoned by Mawulees and Hetkurees. The Deshpandya maintained his post with bravery and ability. He disputed every point of the approaches, but his outposts being driven in, Dilere Khan commenced mining a rock under one of the towers of the lower fort. The garrison made frequent sallies, and repeatedly drove off the miners, but they were at last
firmly lodged under cover. After repeated failures; they succeeded in shattering the rock and defences, so as to enable them to attempt an assault212. They had gained the lower fort, but whilst the garrison was retiring to the upper, the assailants, careless or insensible of the danger to which they exposed themselves, dispersed to plunder the houses; when the Hetkuree marksmen, from above, opened a fire so destructive, that many of the assailants sought shelter in every corner, and others ran outside to get under cover of the rock. At this moment the Mawulees, headed by their commander, sallied out, attacked the Moghuls sword in hand, killed all that opposed them, and drove them down the hill in view of Dilere Khan, who was seated on his elephant, near the bottom, observing the progress of the assault. Seeing the flight of his men he bent his bow, called to a body of Patans about him to advance, and rallying the fugitives, pushed forward his elephant; but the garrison, like all Mahrattas, daring in success, closed with his men, and even the hardy Afghans began to recoil from the swords of the Mawulees; when Dilere Khan, having marked the conspicuous conduct of their leader, with his own hand, pierced him with an arrow and killed him on the spot. The whole of the garrison accompanying
him instantly fled, nor stopped until they reached the upper fort. The Moghuls again took possession of the lower fort, but the fire from above obliged them to relinquish it. After this failure, Dilere Khan, considering the northern face impregnable, determined on attempting to escalade Wujrgurh213, a small detached fort, situated on the north-east angle of Poorundhur, which commands a great part of its works. The attempt succeeded, and guns were brought up to breach the upper fort, but the rains had set in and greatly retarded operations. The Moghul artillery was extremely bad, and although they continued firing for weeks, little impression was made on the defences. The garrison, however, became dispirited, and sent notice that they could hold out no longer. They would have evacuated the fort, but Sivajee particularly desired them to maintain the defence until he should send them an intimation to retire.
Sivajee from the first had commenced negotiating and sending messages to Jey Sing, from whom he received assurances of favour; but the latter, who understood the character of his adversary, did not relax in his efforts or preparations, and Sivajee now seriously reverted to his early plan of entering the Moghul service, and relinquishing a part of his acquisitions.
With this view he sent Rugonath Punt, Nya-Shastree, to Jey Sing, who listened, answered, and agreed to some of Sivajee’s proposals; but he put no trust in his sincerity, until the Bramin, (Rugonath Punt,) convinced him that Sivajee did not
intend deception. Jey Sing then desired him to assure Sivajee, on the honour of a Rajpoot, that he might rely, not only on pardon, but on favour and protection from the emperor. Whilst this negotiation was pending, Sivajee moved from Raigurh to Pertabgurh, and afterwards to Jowlee; for what purpose is unknown, but probably in order to conceal his real design from his own troops.
With a slender retinue, Sivajee, in the month of July, crossed the mountains, proceeded straight to Jey Sing’s camp, where he announced himself as Sivajee Raja. Jey Sing sent a person to conduct him to his presence, and on his approach, advanced from his tent, met, and embraced him. He seated him on his right hand, treated him with great respect and kindness, and repeated the assurances sent by Rugonath Punt. After some conversation, in the humblest strain on the part of Sivajee, he was permitted to retire to tents adjoining those of Jey Sing. Next day Sivajee went to visit Dilere Khan, who was still before Poorundhur, and now exceedingly mortified at his not being made privy to the negotiation. He threatened to persevere in reducing Poorundhur, and putting every man to the sword; this, however, was but a threat, and he was soothed and gratified by Sivajee’s presenting the keys of the gate with his own hand, and telling him that all his, forts and country were his, that her merely sought pardon, that experience had convinced him of the folly of resisting such soldiers as Aurungzebe could boast of, and that he now
only hoped to be enrolled among the servants of the empire.
An armistice immediately took place, as soon as Sivajee came into camp, and after several conferences, the following were the terms of agreement entered into, subject to the approval of the emperor; but the whole, under the guarantee of Jey Sing, without which, Sivajee would not have trusted his person in a Moghul army:– As a preliminary article, Sivajee relinquished whatever forts or territory he had taken from the Moghuls. Of thirty-two forts taken or built by him, in the territory which, had belonged to the Nizam Shahee government, he gave up twenty to Jey Sing, amongst which were Poorundhur and Singurh. The whole of the districts dependent on these forts were ceded at the same time.
The territory belonging to the remaining twelve forts214, estimated at one lack of pagodas of annual revenue, and all the rest of his acquisitions were to form his Jagheer, dependent on the emperor. His son Sumbhajee, then in his eighth year, was to receive a munsub of five thousand horse; but the most remarkable part of this agreement was Sivajee’s proposal, of being allowed certain assignments on Beejapoor, probably, in lieu of his pretended hereditary claims in the Nizam Shahee territory, and as some recompense for what he had ceded to the emperor.
These assignments were estimated at five lacks of pagodas, being a fourth and a tenth of the revenue, termed by him the Chouth and Surdeshmookhee, of certain districts above the Ghauts; the charge of collecting which he took upon himself: So eager was Sivajee to obtain the Imperial authority for this arrangement, that he offered, on condition of its being granted, to pay a peshkush of forty lacks of pagodas by instalments of three lacks annually, and to maintain an additional body of troops215.
Aurungzebe, in a long letter to Sivajee, distinctly confirms the substance of what is recorded by the Mahrattas to have taken place at the convention of Poorundhur, enumerates the twelve forts, and promises a munsub of five thousand horse to Sivajee’s son. Aurungzebe’s letter does not specify Chouth and Surdeshmookhee; indeed, it is probable he did not comprehend their meaning or insidious tendency, but as he also had sinister views, in his plan of undermining the government of Beejapoor, he agrees to Sivajee’s proposal, on condition of his accompanying Raja Jey Sing, with his troops, exerting himself in the conquest of that state, and paying the first instalment of the promised Peshkush216.
According to his agreement, Sivajee, with a body of two thousand horse, and eight thousand
infantry217, co-operated with Jey Sing. The combined army marched about the month of November, and their first operations were directed against Bujajee Naik Nimbalkur, the relation of Sivajee, and a Jagheerdar of Beejapoor. Phultun was reduced, and the fort of Tattora escaladed by Sivajee’s Mawulees. All the fortified places were taken possession of in their route.
Ali Adil Shah had prepared his troops, but endeavoured to prevent the invasion by promises of settling the demands of the Moghuls; Jey Sing however, continued his advance, and met with little opposition until near Mungulwehra, where the Beejapoor horse first made their appearance, and acted with great activity and vigour. Abdool Mohummud, the prime minister, was the chief commander of the Beejapoor troops; the principal officers were Abdool Khureem Bahlole Khan, Khowaus Khan, Seedee Uzeez, son of Seedee Johur, and Venkajee Raja Bhonslay, the half brother of Sivajee.
The Mahratta horse in the service of Beejapoor fought with uncommon spirit on this service. Venkajee Raja, and Ruttajee Manay, Deshmookh of Muswar, were the most conspicuous218.
On the side of the Moghuls, Sivajee and Netajee Palkur distinguished themselves, particularly on an occasion where they had the rear guard219.
They were also detached against several places of strength, which were reduced by Sivajee’s infantry. Aurungzebe, in consequence of these services, wrote Sivajee a letter, extolling his conduct, and sent him an honorary present as a mark of his regard220; in a subsequent letter he invited him to court, promised to confer on him great rank and honours, and to permit him to return to the Deccan221. Intercourse had established mutual confidence between Sivajee and Jey Sing; by the advice, and on the assurance of the latter, Sivajee resolved to visit Delhi, and despatched Rugonath Punt for the ostensible purpose of announcing his approach, but principally to gain some intelligence respecting characters and affairs at the imperial court222. Sivajee ordered all his principal officers: to meet him at Raigurh; but whilst they were assembling, he visited the whole of his forts, gave the strictest injunctions to each of the officers in charge, and returned to the meeting at the capital.
He there invested Moro Trimmul Pingley, Abajee Sonedeo, and Annajee Dutto, with full authority during his absence, and enjoined all persons to respect and obey their orders as if issued by himself. The territory was now greatly circumscribed: in the Concan, it extended from Choule to the neighbourhood of Ponda, and in the Ghaut–Mahta, from the Neera river to Rangna.
Sivajee, accompanied by his eldest son, Sumbhajee,
set out for Delhi in the beginning of March, 1666, attended by five hundred choice horse, and one thousand Mawulees. On his arrival in the neighbourhood of Delhi, Ram Sing, the son of Raja Jey Sing, and another officer of inferior rank, were the only persons sent by Aurungzebe to meet him.
This marked slight did not pass unobserved; but Sivajee forbore noticing it, till on being admitted to an audience, and condescending to present a Nuzur223, the place assigned to him was only amongst those who held the rank of five thousand. He could no longer suppress resentment at this indignity, and he expressed, in the hearing of those near him, who repeated his words to the emperor, the indignation he felt at such treatment. In consequence of this language, when the audience was ended, and Sivajee had retired to the dwelling assigned to him, it was intimated, that the emperor, for the future, declined seeing him at court. Sivajee was justly alarmed at this communication, and after some delay, in order to ascertain the real intentions of Aurungzebe, he sent Rugonath Punt with a petition, setting forth the reasons which had induced him to visit Delhi, the promises and invitation of the emperor, the services he had rendered,
the conditions to which Aurungzebe had subscribed, the readiness of Sivajee to fulfil his part of the agreement, and his assurance of affording every assistance to the imperial troops in reducing the Edil Shahee, or Kootub Shahee states. If, however, the emperor did not choose to avail himself of his services, he only asked permission to return to his Jagheer, as the air and water of Hindoostan were prejudicial to his own health, as well as to that of the other natives of the Deccan by whom he was accompanied. Aurungzebe’s answer was evasive, and he shortly after directed the Kotwal of the city to place a guard over Sivajee’s house, to watch his person carefully, and never to allow him to quit his residence without a party responsible for his safe custody. Sivajee remonstrated and complained, particularly of the hardship of detaining his people. Aurungzebe readily granted passports for their return to the Deccan, and now, probably, considered Sivajee completely in his power. But it is the characteristic of cunning to overreach itself; and in the safe conduct afforded to his friends, Sivajee exulted in the greater facility it afforded of effecting his own escape. Ram Sing was privy to his design, and on account of the pledge given by his father, connived at it224. The confinement of Sivajee was not so rigid as to prevent his paying visits. He frequently went to different nobles of the court, sent them presents, and endeavoured to interest them in his favour. In this manner an intimacy sufficient for Sivajee’s purpose having taken place, he feigned sickness, sent
for physicians, took medicines, and was soon reported very ill. Pretending to have partially recovered, he gave great charities to Bramins, and presents to physicians. He made up several long baskets which were daily sent from his apartments filled with sweetmeats, to the houses of different great men his acquaintances, or to be distributed amongst Fuqeers at mosques. When the practice had continued for some time, he one evening put Sumbhajee into one basket, got into another himself; and was thus conveyed by his domestics beyond the guards, to an obscure place where he could get out unseen. He proceeded to the suburbs of Delhi, where he had a horse prepared, mounted, with Sumbhajee behind him, and reached Muttra next day, where several of his Bramins, and his faithful friend Tannajee Maloosray were watching the result of his scheme. Everything was prepared, Sumbhajee was consigned to the care of a Bramin family, natives of Poona Desh, and distantly connected with Moro Trimmul Pingley225. Sumbhajee remained in their charge several months, and was afterwards conveyed by them to the Deccan.
Sivajee’s escape was not known until a late hour on the following day, owing to the precaution of making one of his domestics pretend indisposition, and lie down on his bed, so that before the alarm spread, pursuit was fruitless. His party as well as himself escaped, in the disguise of Gosaeens; they visited several places of religious
resort; but the route by which they returned to the Deccan is not satisfactorily ascertained. Sivajee did not throw off his disguise until his arrival at Raigurh, which he reached in December, 1666, after an absence of nine months226.
In the meantime affairs in the Deccan assumed an aspect more favourable to his views than he had anticipated. Jey Sing had laid siege to Beejapoor, but on his advance, and during his operations, he was incessantly harassed by the Deccan horse. His supplies were cut off; little rain had fallen during the preceding season, and there was much sickness and great scarcity of water in his camp.
The King of Golcondah, encouraged by the slow progress of the Moghuls, sent a detachment under Nek Nam Khan, one of his generals, to the assistance of Beejapoor. Aurungzebe’s envoy at the court of Kootub Shah remonstrated, and threatened in consequence, but no assistance was sent to Jey Sing, and the latter became sensible that the sacrifice both of his own character, and of the lives of his brave Rajpoots, was, at the least, a matter of indifference to the emperor. Under these circumstances he determined to retreat to Aurungabad. This was not effected without loss, but was not attended with those disastrous consequences which had repeatedly occurred on similar
occasions. Jey Sing had not the means of supporting many of the garrisons in the forts surrendered by Sivajee, or captured by his aid. He, therefore, placed strong garrisons in Logurh, Singurh, and Poorundhur, and also, in Maholy, and Kurnalla, in the Concan227. A few men were left in such of the others as had still a supply of provisions; and of the remainder, he directed the gates to be burned, and such part of the defences to be destroyed as could be hastily thrown down228.
The opportunity of re-occupying them was not neglected. Moro Punt repaired them, replaced the garrisons, drove out the Moghul parties, and Sivajee’s safe arrival in the Concan was announced, by the re-capture of a great portion of the province of Kallian. His escape from Delhi was a great mortification to Aurungzebe, although he pretended that he meant to have dismissed him in an honourable manner; he accused Ram Sing of having assisted in his flight, and forbade him the court. Jey Sing, on pretence of his discomfiture, was superseded in the government of the Deccan by Sultan Mauzum, and Jeswunt Sing was directed to accompany the prince. Jey Sing, on being relieved, was ordered to court, but his death, which happened on the road, deprived Aurungzebe of one of his best officers. It was the bane of that emperor’s reign that all those whose services might have best contributed to his prosperity were mistrusted by him. Dilere Khan remained some time in the Deccan, and he was only removed for a short time to Malwa; he was no favourite with the
prince, and he was detested by Jeswunt Sing; his presence in their neighbourhood, therefore, suited the jealous temper of Aurungzebe.
The emperor pretended an intention of again invading Beejapoor, but the northern part of his dominions required his presence. Pride prevented him from subjecting his son to disgrace, and jealousy would never permit him to entrust an army, sufficiently large for conquest, under any deputy.
189. Maternal uncle of Aurungzebe, and nephew of the celebrated Noor Mahal, whose name is probably more generally known at present from Mr. Moore’s Lalla Rookh, than from the history of India. The fact of our being indebted to Noor Jehan’s mother for the discovery of utter of roses, is gravely recorded by the historian Khafee Khan.
190. Khafee Khan.
191. Mahratta MSS., Khafee Khan.
192. Mahratta MSS., and English Records.
193. Mahratta MSS.
194. Khafee Khan.
195. Mahratta MSS., and letter from the English factors, then prisoners at large in Rajapoor, dated 12th April, 1663.
196. Mahratta MSS.
197. The means his emissaries took to obtain him admission, is-omitted in the Mahratta MSS., but Khafee Khan’s account bears every mark of probability. It is also confirmed by Catrou.
198. Mahratta MSS.
199. It was about this time, when the army had retired, that Sivajee, having gone to hear a Kutha by Tookaram, in the town of Poona, narrowly escaped being made prisoner by the garrison of Chakun. The Mahratta MSS. particularly mention the miraculous interference of the god Pandoorang, by whom he was saved.
200. The sack of Surat, on this occasion, is most minutely described in the Records of the English factory, now in the East India house. In consequence of their generous defence of the property of others, Aurungzebe granted to the English a perpetual exemption from a portion of the customs exacted from the traders of other nations at Surat. During the time the Mahrattas were plundering the town, Sivajee remained outside. A person named Smith, an Englishman, was taken prisoner and carried before Sivajee, whom he represented as seated in a tent, ordering heads and hands to be chopped off, in cases where persons were supposed to be concealing their wealth. The walls of Surat, up to this period, were of mud. They were now ordered to be built of brick. Thevenot, who was at Surat in the early part of 1666, mentions that they were then in progress.
201. Some Mahrattas, very old men, join in all sorts of hunting, the present Jan Rao Naik Nimbalkur, must be nearly as old as Shahjee was, and is still a keen sportsman.
202. The English records mention the capture of Porto Novo, by Shahjee, in July 1661.
203. All the Mahratta MSS. state the conquest to have been made by Shahjee. No Mahrattas or Bramins, conversant with their own history, seem to think otherwise; the doubt seems to have arisen in the neighbourhood of Tanjore, and it was natural to have done so, owing to the apprehension which the Tanjore Raja must have entertained, of being called to account for half his revenue; proofs, however, of what is stated, will ultimately appear.
204. The English factors at Culver and Rajapoor mention that 6000 of the Beejapoor troops were killed.
205. According to a letter from the Carwar factory, this fleet consisted of eighty-five frigates, and three great ships. By the frigates are probably meant, the small vessels with one mast, from 30 to 150 tons burthen, common on the Malabar coast; and by the great ships, three masted vessels.
206. The English factory paid £112 sterling of this contribution.
207. Mahratta MSS. and English Records. The former mention that Sivajee, on this expedition, acquired vast plunder at Hussnoor, the latter say at Barcelore. The Mahrattas say that Hussnoor, (with the situation of which I am unacquainted) is a town in Bardez, in the Goa territory.
208. Fryer.
209. Catrou from Manouchi’s MS. says Netajee was bribed by Jey Sing, which, although not mentioned in the Mahratta MSS., is more than probable.
210. He was styled from the name of his capital, Rajah of Ambhere, now better known by that of Jeypoor or Jeynugur. He was probably grandfather to the celebrated astronomer Jey Sing, who succeeded to the principality in 1693.
211. He was no relation of the gallant Purvoe, of the same name, who covered Sivajee’s retreat from Panalla.
212. The highest point of the mountain of Poorundhur is upwards of seventeen hundred feet from the plain immediately below; there are two forts, an upper and lower, situated from three to four hundred ‘feet below the summit; the works, like most of the hill-forts in that part of the country, are of perpendicular rock, and frequently weakened, rather than strengthened, by curtains and bastions of masonry, by which the natural defences are generally surmounted.
213. Or Rooder Mahal, according to the Mahrattas.
214. The twelve remaining forts were, 1. Rajgurh, 2. Torna, 3. Rairee (Raigurh), 4. Linganah, 5. Mhargurh, 6. Ballagurh, 7. Gossala, 8. Eeswaree, 9. Palee, 10. Bhoorup, 11. Koaree, and 12. Oodedroog.
215. This proposal on the part of Sivajee, was sent to the emperor, according to custom, in the form of a petition; and at the suggestion of Jey Sing, Sivajee intimated his intention of visiting the emperor, by stating in the most courtly strain, his desire to kiss the royal threshold.
216. Original letter.
217. Khafee Khan.
218. Beejapoor MSS. confirmed by grants of land to Ruttajee Manay in consequence. The deeds are in possession of the family at Muswar.
219. Khafee Khan.
220. Original letter.
221. Original letter.
222. The account of the proceedings for 1665, is partly from Khafee Khan, but principally on the authority of Mahratta MSS.
223. Nuzur signifies a present; an offering made by an inferior to a superior in token of fealty, submission, congratulation, &c. There are a vast number of ceremonies and observances attendant both on the mode of presenting and of receiving nuzurs. Under the name of an offering, it is frequently a heavy exaction, imposed on appointment to office, or succession to rank and property.
224. This is distinctly asserted in the Chitnees’s MS.
225. One MS. by Kistnajee Anund Subhasud, says Mora Punt’s sister was married to one of the sons.
226. The account of Sivajee’s visit and imprisonment, and of his escape from Delhi, is on the authority of Mahratta MSS. Scott’s Deccan, and Khafee Khan. His escape was known in the Deccan long before he reached it. The English factors at Carwar, in a letter dated September 29th, 1666, observe, “If it be true that Sivajee hath escaped, Aurungzebe will quickly hear of him to his sorrow.”
227. Mahratta MSS.
228. Khafee Khan.
This collection transcribed by Chris Gage